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python.org images used with permission from the Python Software Foundation.
Introduction
WHY PYTHON?
Just like humans can understand many different languages, a computer can understand the ideas and concepts that we input to it
through several different programming languages. In this book, we’ll focus on the Python programming language because Python is easy
to understand, can be used in many different ways, and is quick to learn. Also, it is a popular language that runs on almost every machine
and is used at many big, important organizations like Google, Instagram, NASA, and Spotify.
INSTALLING PYTHON
I know we want to dive right into coding, but we can’t do that until we have the right tools. I’ll walk you through the step-by-step process
of installing Python. Let’s get started!
ON A PC
If you are on a Windows machine, you probably don’t have Python installed already. This is because Windows operating systems don’t
usually come with the Python language. That’s okay, though! We can get it ourselves. :)
1. On your computer, open an Internet browser like Google Chrome or Mozilla Firefox.
2. In the address bar, type “https://www.python.org/downloads/” to go to the official Python website’s Downloads section.
3. Through the magic of coding, the website will probably know what type of computer you are using, and the DOWNLOAD button will
show you the correct version of Python to install! In our case, we want the latest version, which was Python 3.7.0 when I wrote the book.
Don’t worry if it tells you to download a newer version. Go ahead and click the DOWNLOAD button.
4. A download will start and will probably go to the bottom of your window like in the picture.
5. Once your download is complete, click on it to begin the installation. When you do, a window should pop up.
6. Go ahead and click the RUN button. Then, you’ll see this window (yours may say 32-bit if that’s right for your machine):
7. Make sure to check the ADD PYTHON 3.7 TO PATH checkbox.
8. Click INSTALL NOW. Python should begin installing. You should see a window like this one:
9. Wait for the install to finish and the green bar to be full. Once it is done, the final screen should appear, saying that your installation
was successful.
10. Whoo-hoo! You’re done! Click the CLOSE button and you’re ready to go. You’ve installed Python on Windows!
ON A MAC
1. On your computer, open an Internet browser like Google Chrome or Mozilla Firefox.
2. In the address bar, type “https://www.python.org/downloads/” to go to the official Python website’s Downloads section.
3. Through the magic of coding, the website will probably know what type of computer you are using, and the DOWNLOAD button will
show you the correct version of Python to install! In our case, we want the latest version, which was Python 3.7.0 when I wrote the book.
Don’t worry if it tells you to download a newer version. You can also find the installer for your specific machine in the Files section.
4. After clicking on the version, a download should start. Wait for it to finish before starting the installer.
5. When you start the installer, you should see a window like this one:
6. Click the CONTINUE button. You’ll then be presented with some important information that you can choose to read or not.
7. Click the CONTINUE button. Next you will see the license information.
8. Keep going! Click the CONTINUE button. You’ll be asked to agree to the terms of the software license agreement.
12. Wait for the installation to finish. Once it is done, you should see this:
13. Congratulate yourself! You’ve just installed Python on your Mac!
>>> You may have noticed we asked you to type “https://www.python.org/downloads/”. But is that https:// really necessary, or could we just start with www? The answer is
this: Python is good about redirecting you to the right site, but adding https:// before typing web addresses is a good practice to get into, so you can be sure your computer is
going to a secure site!
USING IDLE
When you download and install Python, it will also install an application called IDLE. IDLE is short for Integrated Development and
Learning Environment (that’s a mouthful!), and it is an integrated development environment, or IDE, that helps us with writing Python
programs. Think of it as an electronic notepad with some additional tools to help us write, debug, and run our Python code. To work in
Python, you will need to open IDLE—opening Python files directly won’t work!
Let’s take a look!
ON A PC
2. Start typing “idle”, then select the search result IDLE (Python 3.7 64-bit). Note: Yours might say IDLE (Python 3.7 32-bit) if that’s the kind
of machine you have.
3. A window should pop up that looks like this:
4. Ta-da! Awesome! You opened IDLE on Windows and are now ready to start writing some code in Python! :)
ON A MAC
SAY HI TO PYTHON!
Now that you’ve installed Python and IDLE on your computer, let’s say hi! Open up IDLE on your computer (if it’s not already open).
Whenever you open up the IDLE program on your computer, you will always be brought to the shell first. The shell is the interactive
window that allows you to write Python code within it and then see the results of your code right away. You’ll know when you’re in the
shell because it will say Python 3.7.0 Shell in the title bar of the window.
In your shell, go ahead and type the following code:
print("Hi Python!")
Now, hit the ENTER key. Do you see something like this?
Great job! You’ve written your first line of Python code! Give yourself a pat on the back, or high-five the person closest to you. You’re
about to learn some awesome things.
Great! Now you have your code in a file that we can save. This is important, because the first code we wrote was in the shell, which
means it won’t be saved once you close the window. Writing code directly in the shell is just a quicker way to run Python code and see
the results right away. Always create a new file and save it to keep track of your work and save your progress!
Now that we have created a file with our greeting code, let’s save it.
You can save your program in IDLE by following these next steps.
5. On the MENU bar of your shell, click the FILE tab to open its context menu.
6. Click SAVE.
7. The next window will ask you to name your file. Go ahead and give it a name. I’ll call mine “greeting.”
8. Make sure to save your Python program in a place that you won’t forget! If you don’t choose another place, new files are usually saved
in the same folder as the Python download, so go ahead and change the “Save In” place to a better spot. I created a folder called
COOL PYTHON in my DOCUMENTS directory, so that’s where I’ll save my programs.
Saving files and our code is a big part of programming. We programmers do it so much that there are shortcuts created just for
saving, among other things. Here’s a list of very helpful keyboard shortcuts to use while coding.
CTRL key + S key: This is the standard save shortcut. You can press these two keys together to save your progress while coding or to
save a new file!
CTRL key + N key: This shortcut will create a new file for you.
CTRL key + C key: This shortcut copies any text you have selected. Here’s how: Use your mouse to highlight some text or code. To
highlight text, place your cursor before the start of the text you want to copy, click and hold the main mouse button, drag your mouse
to the end of the text you want to copy, and then release the mouse button. After your text is highlighted, use this shortcut to copy
the highlighted text!
CTRL key + V key: After copying some text, use this shortcut to paste it. This places the text you have highlighted and copied
wherever you choose.
CTRL key + Z key: The most awesome command, this shortcut performs an undo action. If you ever need to go back a step, or bring
back some code you have accidentally deleted, this shortcut can save the day! Use this shortcut once, by pressing the CTRL key and Z
key together, and watch your last change undo itself. You can keep pressing this shortcut multiple times to keep going back further
and reversing more actions you have just performed. Remember though, this can’t undo everything—it can only reverse actions up
to the point that the computer has stored in its memory.
RUNNING A PROGRAM
This is the best part—seeing your code in action! After you write some code, save it, and are ready to see it run, follow these steps to run
your code (skip to step 4 if you already have your program open in its own window).
1. On the MENU bar in your shell, click the FILE tab to open the context menu.
2. Click OPEN.
3. A window will pop up asking you to pick the file you want to open. Go ahead and find your greeting program and select it. Click OPEN.
5. Press the F5 key. That’s it! Your code should now execute, meaning the computer will carry out the task you asked it to do in code.
You told it to print something, and it did! You should see your greeting in the shell.
>>> Troubleshooting Tip: Is the F5 key not working for you? Some computers require you to press the Fn button along with the F5 button. Go ahead, try that instead!
Once you start writing more code, you’ll find that you will have many Python files and programs in your folders. A cool thing that the
IDLE program does is keep track of the most recent files you have worked with and make them easily available for you. To get to a file
you have recently worked with, simply click the FILE tab on the MENU bar and hover your mouse over RECENT FILES.
You’ll see the list of files appear that you have recently worked with. Clicking on one will open that file for you. Sometimes this is an
easier way to get to a file you need, rather than hunting through your computer to find it!
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birthplace, the home, it may be the grave, of some poet, thinker, or
ruler; and amidst all the inspiration of Nature and of the sacred
memories of the soil, shall fill our hearts with the joy in beauty and
profound veneration of the mighty Dead?
III.
In our Sunday meetings, which have been regularly continued
excepting during the four summer months, we have continued our
plan of dealing alike with the religious, the social, and the intellectual
sides of the Positivist view of life and duty. The Housing of the Poor,
Art, Biology, Socialism, our social Duties, the Memory of the Dead,
the Positivist grounds of Morality, and our Practical Duties in Life,
formed the subject of one series. Since our re-opening in the
autumn, we have had courses on the Bible, on the religious value of
the modern poets, and on the true basis of social equality. Amongst
the features of special interest in these series of discourses is that
one course was given by a former Unitarian minister who, after a life
of successful preaching in the least dogmatic of all the Christian
Churches, has been slowly reduced to the conviction that the reality
of Humanity is a more substantial basis for religion to rest on than
the hypothesis of God, and that the great scheme of human morality
is a nobler Gospel to preach than the artificial ideal of a subjective
Christ. I would in particular note the series of admirable lectures on
the Bible, by Dr. Bridges, which combined the results of the latest
learning on this intricate mass of ancient writings with the
sympathetic and yet impartial judgment with which Positivists adopt
into their sacred literature the most famous and most familiar of all
the religious books of mankind. And again I would note that
beautiful series of discourses by Mr. Vernon Lushington on the great
religious poets of the modern world:—Dante, Shakespeare, Milton,
Byron, Wordsworth and Shelley. When we have them side by side,
we shall have before us a new measure of the sound, sympathetic,
and universal spirit of Positivist belief. It is only those who are
strangers to it and to us who can wonder how we come to put the
Bible and the poets in equal places of honor as alike the great
organs of true religious feeling.
The systematic teaching of science, which is an essential part of our
conception of Positivism, has been maintained in this hall with
unabated energy. In the beginning of the year Mr. Vernon
Lushington commenced and carried through (with what an effort of
personal self-devotion no one of us can duly measure) his class on
the history and the elements of Astronomy. This winter, Mr. Lock has
opened a similar class on the History and Elements of Mathematics.
Positivism is essentially a scheme for reforming education, and it is
only through a reformed education, universal to all classes alike, and
concerned with the heart as much as the intellect, that the religious
meaning of Humanity can ever be unfolded. The singing class, the
expense of which was again assumed by Mr. Lushington, was
steadily and successfully maintained during the first part of the year.
We are still looking forward to the formation of a choir. The social
meetings which we instituted last year have become a regular
feature of our movement, and greatly contribute to our closer union
and our better understanding of the social and sympathetic meaning
of the faith we profess.
The publications of the year have been first and chiefly, The
Testament and Letters of Auguste Comte, a work long looked for, the
publication of which has been long delayed by various causes. In the
next place I would call attention to the new and popular edition of
International Policy, a work of combined essays which we put
forward in 1866, nearly twenty years ago. Our object in that work
was to state and apply to the leading international problems in turn
the great principles of social morality on which it is the mission of
Positivism to show that the politics of nations can only securely
repose. In an epoch which is still tending, we are daily assured, to
the old passion for national self-assertion, it is significant that the
Positivist school alone can resolutely maintain and fearlessly repeat
its dictates of morality and justice, whilst all the Churches, all the
political parties, and all the so-called organs of opinion, which are
really the creatures of parties and cliques, find various pretexts for
abandoning them altogether. How few are the political schools
around us who could venture to republish after twenty years, their
political programmes of 1866, their political doctrines and practical
solutions of the tangled international problems, and who could not
find in 1885 a principle which they had discarded, or a proposal
which to-day they are ashamed to have made twenty years ago.
Besides these books, the only separate publications of our body are
the affecting address of Mr. Ellis On the due Commemoration of the
Dead. The Positivist Society has met throughout the year for the
discussion of the social and political questions of the day. The most
public manifestation of its activity has been the part that it took in
the third centenary of the great hero of national independence,
William, Prince of Orange, called the Silent. The noble and weighty
address in which Mr. Beesly expressed to the Dutch Committee at
Delft the honor in which we held that immortal memory, has deeply
touched, we are told, those to whom it was addressed. And it is
significant that from this hall, dedicated to peace, to the Republic, to
the people, and to Humanity, there was sent forth the one voice
from the entire British race in honor to the great prince, the soldier,
the diplomatist the secret, subtle, and haughty chief, who, three
hundred years ago, created the Dutch nation. We have learned here
to care little for a purely insular patriotism. The great creators of
nations are our forefathers and our countrymen. Protestant or
Catholic are nothing to us, so long as either prepared the way for a
broader faith. In our abhorrence of war we have learned to honor
the chief who fought desperately for the solid bases of peace. In our
zeal for the people, for public opinion, for simplicity of life, and for
truthfulness and openness in word as in conduct, we have not
forgotten the relative duty of those who in darker, fiercer, ruder
times than ours used the weapons of their age in the spirit of duty,
and to the saving of those precious elements where-out the future of
a better Humanity shall be formed.
IV.
Turning to the political field, I shall occupy but little of your time with
the special questions of the year. We are as a body entirely
dissevered from party politics. We seek to color political activity with
certain moral general principles, but we have no interest in party
politics as such. The idea that Positivists are, as a body, Radicals or
Revolutionaries is an idle invention; and I am the more entitled to
repudiate it, in that I have myself formally declined to enter on a
Parliamentary career, on the express ground that I prefer to judge
political questions without the trammels of any party obligation. On
the one hand we are Republicans on principle, in that we demand a
government in the interest of all and of no favored order, by the
highest available capacity, without reference to birth, or wealth, or
class. On the other hand, we are not Democrats, in that we
acknowledge no abstract right to govern in a numerical majority.
Whatever is best administered is best. We desire to see efficiency for
the common welfare, responsible power intrusted to the most
capable hand, with continuous responsibility to a real public opinion.
I am far from pretending that general principles of this kind entitle
us to pass a judgment on the complex questions of current politics,
or that all Positivists who recognize these principles are bound to
judge current politics in precisely the same way. There is in
Positivism a deep vein of true Conservatism; as there is also an
unquenchable yearning for a social revolution of a just and peaceful
kind. But no one of these tendencies impel us, I think, to march
under the banner either of Mr. Gladstone or Lord Salisbury. As
Republicans on principle, we desire the end of all hereditary
institutions. As believers in public opinion, we desire to see opinion
represented in the most complete way, and without class
distinctions. As men who favor efficiency and concentration in
government, we support whatever may promise to relieve us of the
scandalous deadlock to which Parliamentary government has long
been reduced. It may be permitted to those who are wholly
detached from party interests to express a lively satisfaction that the
long electoral struggle is happily got out of the way, and that a great
stride has been taken towards a government at once energetic and
popular, without regarding the hobbies about the representation of
women and the representation of inorganic minorities.
It is on a far wider field that our great political interests are
absorbed. There is everywhere a revival of the spirit of national
aggrandisement and imperial ambition. Under the now avowed lead
of the great German dictator, the nations of Europe are running a
race to extend their borders by conquest and annexation amongst
the weak and uncivilised. There is to-day a scramble for Africa, as
there was formerly a scramble for Asia; and the scramble in Asia, or
in Polynesia, is only less urgent for the moment, in that the rivalry is
just now keenest in Africa. But in Asia, in Africa, in Polynesia, the
strong nations of Europe are struggling to found Empires by
violence, fraud, or aggression. Three distinct wars are being waged
in the East; and in Africa alone our soldiers and our Government are
asserting the rule of the sword in the North, on the East, in the
centre, on the South, and on the West at the same time. Five years
ago, we were told that for England at least there was to be some lull
in this career of blood and ambition. It was only, we see, a party cry,
a device to upset a government. There has been no lull, no pause in
the scramble for empire. The empire swells year by year; year by
year fresh wars break out; year by year the burden of empire
increases whether Disraeli or Gladstone, Liberal or Conservative, are
the actual wielders of power. The agents of the aggression, the
critics, have changed sides; the Jingoes of yesterday are the
grumblers of to-day; and the peaceful patriots of yesterday are the
Jingoes of to-day. The empire and its appendages are even vaster in
1885 than in 1880; its responsibilities are greater; its risks and
perplexities deeper; its enemies stronger and more threatening. And
in the midst of this crisis, those who condemn this policy are fewer;
their protests come few and faint. The Christian sects can see
nothing unrighteous in Mr. Gladstone; the Liberal caucuses stifle any
murmur of discontent, and force those who spoke out against Zulu,
Afghan, and Trans-Vaal wars to justify, by the tyrant’s plea of
necessity, the massacre of Egyptian fellahs and the extermination of
Arab patriots. They who mouthed most loudly about Jingoism are
now the foremost in their appeals to national vanity. And the
parasites of the parasites of our great Liberal statesman can make
such hubbub, in his utter absence of a policy, that they drive him by
sheer clamor from one adventure into another. For nearly four years
now we have continuously protested against the policy pursued in
Egypt. Year after year we have told Mr. Gladstone that it was
blackening his whole career and covering our country with shame.
There is a monotony about our protests. But, when there is a
monotony in evil-doing, there must alike be monotony in
remonstrance. We complain that the blood and treasure of this
nation should be used in order to flay the peasantry of the Nile, in
the interests of usurers and speculators. We complain that we
practically annex a people whom we will not govern and cannot
benefit. We are boldly for what in the slang of the day is called
“scuttling” out of Egypt. We think the robber and the oppressor
should scuttle as quickly as possible, that he is certain to scuttle
some day. We complain of massacring an innocent people merely to
give our traders and money-dealers larger or safer markets. We
complain of all the campaigns and battles as wanton, useless, and
unjust massacres. We especially condemn the war in the Soudan as
wanton and unjust even in the avowal of the very ministers who are
urging it. The defender of Khartoum is a man of heroic qualities and
beautiful nature; but the cause of civilisation is not served by
launching amongst savages a sort of Pentateuch knight errant. And
we seriously complain that the policy of a great country in a great
issue of right and wrong should be determined by schoolboy
shouting over the feats of our English Garibaldi.
It is true that our Ministers, especially Mr. Gladstone, Lord Granville,
and Lord Derby, are the public men who are now most conspicuously
resisting the forward policy, and that the outcry of the hour is
against them on that ground. But ambition should be made of
sterner stuff. Those who aspire to guide nations should meet the
folly of the day with more vigorous assertion of principle. And the
men who are waging a wanton, bloody, and costly war in the sands
of Africa have no principle left to assert.
It may well be that Mr. Gladstone, and most of those who follow him
in office, are of all our public men those who have least liking for
these wars, annexations, and oppressive dealings with the weak.
They may have less liking for them it may be, but they are the men
who do these things. They are responsible. The blood lies on their
doorstep. The guilt hangs on their fame. The corruption of the
national conscience is their doing. The page of history will write their
names and their deeds in letters of gore and of flame. It is mockery,
even in the most servile parliamentary drudge, to repeat to us that
the wrong lies at the door of the Opposition, foreign intriguers,
international engagements, untoward circumstances. Keep these
threadbare pretexts to defend the next official blunder amidst the
cheers of a party mob. The English people will have none of such
stale equivocation. The ministers who massacred thousands at Tel-
el-Kebir, at Alexandria, at Teb, at Tamasi, who are sinking millions of
our people’s hard-won savings in the sands of Africa, in order to
slaughter a brave race whom they themselves declare to be heroes
and patriots fighting for freedom; and who after three years of this
bloodshed, ruin, and waste, have nothing to show for it—nothing,
except the utter chaos of a fine country, the extreme misery of an
innocent people, and all Europe glowering at us in menace and hate
—the men who have done this are responsible. When they fail to
annex some trumpery bit of coast, the failure is naturally set down
to blundering, not to conscience. History, their country, their own
conscience will make them answer for it. The headlong plunge of our
State, already over-burdened with the needs and dangers of a
heterogeneous empire, the consuming rage for national extension,
which the passion for money, markets, careers, breeds in a people
where moral and religious principles are loosened and conflicting,
this is the great evil of our time. It is to stem this that statesmen
should address themselves. It is to fan this, or to do its bidding, that
our actual statesmen contend. Mr. Gladstone in his heart may loathe
the task to which he is set and the uses to which he lends his
splendid powers. But there are some situations where weakness
before powerful clamor works national ruin more readily even than
ambition itself. How petty to our descendants will our squabbles in
the parliamentary game appear, when history shall tell them that
Gladstone waged far more wars than Disraeli; that he slaughtered
more hecatombs of innocent people; that he oppressed more
nations, embroiled us worse with foreign nations; left the empire of
a far more unwieldy size, more exposed and on more rotten
foundations; and that Mr. Gladstone did all this not because it
seemed to him wise or just, but for the same reason (in truth) that
his great rival acted, viz., that it gave him unquestioned ascendency
in his party and with those whose opinion he sought.
I have not hesitated to speak out my mind of the policy condemned,
not in personal hostility or irritation, however much I respect the
great qualities of Mr. Gladstone himself, however little I desire to see
him displaced by his rivals. No one will venture to believe that I
speak in the interest of party, or have any quarrel with my own
countrymen. All that I have said in condemnation of the African
policy of England I would say in condemnation of the Chinese policy
in France. I would say it all the more because, for the reasons on
which I will not now enlarge, our brethren in France have said so
little, and that little with so broken a voice. It is a weakness to our
common cause that so little has been said in France. But I rejoice to
see that in the new number of our Review, our director, M. Laffitte,
has spoken emphatically against all disturbance of the status quo,
and the policy of founding colonial empires. It behooves us all the
more to speak out plainly here. There is the same situation in France
as in England. A ministry whom the majority trust, and whom the
military and trading class can bend to do their will; a thirst in the
rich to extend the empire; a thirst in the adventurers for careers to
be won; a thirst in the journalists for material wherewith to pamper
the national vanity. There, too, are in the East backward peoples to
be trampled on, a confused tangle of pretexts and opportunities, a
Parliamentary majority to be secured, and a crowd of interests to be
bribed. In the case of M. Ferry, we can see all the weakness, all the
helpless vacillations, all the danger of his game; its cynical injustice,
its laughable pretexts and excuses, its deliberate violation of the real
interests of the nation, the formidable risks that he is preparing for
his country, and the ruin which is as certain to follow it. In Mr.
Gladstone’s case there are national and party slaves for the
conscience of the boldest critic.
The year, too, has witnessed a new form of the spread-eagle
tendency in the revival of one of our periodical scares about the
strength of the navy. About once in every ten or twenty years a knot
of shipbuilders, journalists, seamen, and gunners, contrive to stir up
a panic, and to force the nation into a great increase of its military
expenditure. I am not going to discuss the truth about the Navy, or
whether it be equal or not to the requirements of the Service. I look
at this in a new way: I take up very different ground. I say that the
service, to which we are now called on to make the navy equal, is a
service that we ought not to undertake. The requirements
demanded are wholly incompatible with the true interests of our
nation. They are opposed to the real conditions of civilisation. They
will be in a very few years, even if they are not now, beyond the
power of this people to meet. The claim to a maritime supremacy, in
the sense that this country is permanently to remain undisputed
mistress of all seas, always able and ready to overwhelm any
possible combination of any foreign Powers, this claim in itself is a
ridiculous anachronism. Whether the British fleet is now able to
overpower the combined fleets of Europe, or even of several Powers
in Europe, I do not know. Even if it be now able, such is the
progress of events, the ambition of our neighbors, and the actual
conditions of modern war, that it is physically impossible that such a
supremacy can be permanently maintained. To maintain it, even for
another generation, would involve the subjection of England to a
military tyranny such as exists for the moment in Germany, to a
crushing taxation and conscription, of which we have had no
experience. We should have to spend, not twenty-five, but fifty
millions a year on our army and navy if we intend to be really
masters in every sea, and to make the entire British empire one
continuous Malta and Gibraltar. And even that, or a hundred millions
a year, would not suffice in the future for the inevitable growth of
foreign powers and the constant growth of our own empire. To
guarantee the permanent supremacy of the seas, we shall need
some Bismarck to crush our free people into the vice of his military
autocracy and universal conscription.
“Rule Britannia,” or England’s exclusive dominion of the seas, is a
temporary (in my opinion, an unfortunate) episode in our history. To
brag about it and fight for it is the part of a bad citizen; to maintain
it would be a crime against the human race. To have founded, not
an empire, but a scattered congeries of possessions in all parts of
the world by conquest, intrigue, or arbitrary seizure, is a blot upon
our history; to perpetuate it is a burdensome inheritance to
bequeath to our children. To ask that this inorganic heap of
possessions shall be perpetually extended, made absolutely secure
against all comers, and guarded by a fleet which is always ready to
meet the world in arms—this is a programme which it is the duty of
every good citizen to stamp out. Whilst this savage policy is in
vogue, the very conditions of national morality, of peace, of true
industrial civilisation are wanting. The first condition of healthy
national progress is to have broken for ever with this national
buccaneering. The commerce, the property of Englishmen on the
seas must protect itself, like that of other nations, by just, prudent,
and civilised bearing, and not by an exclusive dominion which other
great nations do very well without. The commerce and the honor of
Americans are safe all over the world, though their navy is not one-
tenth of ours. And Germany can speak with us face to face on every
ocean, though she can hardly put a first-rate ship in array of battle.
To talk big about refusing to trust the greatness of England to the
sufferance of her neighbors is mere clap-trap. It is the phrase of
Mexican or Californian desperadoes when they fill their pockets with
revolvers and bowie-knives. All but two or three of the greatest
nations are obliged, at all times, to trust their existence to the
sufferance of their stronger neighbors. And they are just as safe,
and quite as proud, and more civilised than their great neighbors in
consequence. Human society, whether national or international, only
begins when social morality has taken the place of individual
violence. Society, for men or nations, cannot be based on the
revolver and bowie-knife principle.
We repudiate, then, with our whole souls the code of buccaneer
patriotism. True statesmen are bound to check, not to promote, the
expansion of England; to provide for the peaceful disintegration of
the heterogeneous empire, the permanence of which is as incapable
of being justified in policy as of being materially defended in arms.
These aggressions and annexations and protectorates, these wanton
wars amongst savages are at once blunders and crimes, pouring out
by millions what good government and thrift at home save by
thousands, degrading the present generation and deeply wronging
the next. We want no fleet greater than that of our greatest
neighbors, and the claim to absolute dominion at sea must be put
away like the claim to the kingdom of France or exclusive right to
the British Channel. We can afford to smile at the charge that we are
degenerate Britons or wanting in patriotism. Patriotism to us is a
deep and working desire for the good name of England, for the
justice and goodness of her policy, for the real enlightenment and
well-being of her sons, and for her front place in humanity and
civilisation. We smile at the vaporing of men to whom patriotism
means a good cry, and several extra editions.
It may seem for the moment that doctrines such as ours are out of
credit, and that there is little hope of their ever obtaining the
mastery. We are told that to-day not a voice is raised to oppose the
doctrines of spoliation. It is true that, owing to the hubbub of party
politics, to the servility of the Christian Churches, and the low
morality of the press, these national acts of rapacity have passed as
yet with but small challenge. But at any rate here our voice has
never wavered, nor have considerations of men, parties, or
majorities led us to temporise with our principles. We speak out
plainly—not more plainly than Mr. Gladstone and his followers on
platform and in press spoke out once—and we shall go on to speak
out plainly, whether we are many or whether we are few, whether
the opinion of the hour is with us or not. But I am not despondent.
Nor do I doubt the speedy triumph of our stronger morality. I see
with what weather cock rapidity the noisiest of the Anti-Jingoes can
change their tone. The tribe of Cleon, and the Sausage-seller are the
same in every age. I will not believe that the policy of a great nation
can be long dictated by firms of advertising touts, who will puff the
new soap, a comic singer, and an imperial war in the same page;
who are equally at home in the partition of Africa or a penny
dreadful. Nations are not seriously led by the arts which make village
bumpkins crowd to the show of the fat girl and the woolly pig. In the
rapid degradation of the press to the lower American standard we
may see an escape from its mischief. The age is one of democracy.
We have just taken a great stride towards universal suffrage and the
government of the people. In really republican societies, where
power rests on universal suffrage, as in France, and in America, the
power of the press is reduced to a very low ebb. The power of
journalism is essentially one of town life and small balanced parties.
Its influence evaporates where power is held by the millions, and
government appeals directly to vast masses of voters spread over
immense areas. Cleon and the Sausage-seller can do little when
republican institutions are firmly rooted over the length and breadth
of a great country.
The destinies of this nation have now been finally committed to the
people, and to the people we will appeal with confidence. The
laborer and the workman have no interest in these wanton wars. In
this imperial expansion, in this rivalry of traders and brag of arms;
no taste for it and no respect for it. They find that they are dragged
off to die in wars of which they know nothing; that their wages are
taxed to support adventures which they loathe. The people are by
instinct opponents of these crimes, and to them we will appeal. The
people have a natural sense of justice and a natural leaning to public
morality. Ambition, lucre, restlessness, and vainglory do not corrupt
their minds to approve a financial adventure. They need peace,
productive industry, humanity. Every step towards the true republic
is a step towards morality. To the new voters, to the masses of the
people, we will confidently appeal.
There is, too, another side to this matter. If these burdens are to be
thrust on the national purse, and (should the buccaneers have their
way) if the permanent war expenditure must be doubled, and little
wars at ten and twenty millions each are inevitable as well, then in
all fairness the classes who make these wars and profit by them
must pay for them. We have taken a great stride towards
democracy, and two of the first taxes with which the new democracy
will deal are the income-tax and the land-tax. The entire revision of
taxation is growing inevitable. It is a just and sound principle that
the main burden of taxation shall be thrown on the rich, and we
have yet to see how the new democracy will work out that just
principle. A graduated income-tax is a certain result of the
movement. The steady pressure against customs duties and the
steady decline in habits of drinking must combine to force the
taxation of the future more and more on income and on land. A
rapid rise in the scale of taxing incomes, until we reach the point
where great fortunes cease to be rapidly accumulated, would check
the wasteful expenditure on war more than any consideration of
justice. Even a China merchant would hardly promote an opium war
when he found himself taxed ten or twenty per cent. on his income.
One of the first things which will occur to the new rural voters is the
ridiculous minimum to which the land-tax is reduced. Mr. Henry
George and the school of land reformers have lately been insisting
that the land-tax must be immensely increased. At present it is a
farce, not one-tenth of what is usual in the nations of Europe. I
entirely agree with them, and am perfectly prepared to see the land-
tax raised till it ultimately brings us some ten or even twenty
millions, instead of one million. If the result would be to force a
great portion of the soil to change hands, and to pass from the rent
receivers to the occupiers, all the more desirable. But one inevitable
result of the new Reform Act must be a great raising of the taxes on
land, and when land pays one-fifth of the total taxation, our wars
will be fewer and our armaments more modest.
One of the cardinal facts of our immediate generation is the sudden
revival of Socialism and Communism. It was not crushed, as we
thought, in 1848; it was not extinguished in 1871. The new Republic
in France is uneasy with it. The military autocracy of Germany is
honeycombed with it. Society is almost dissolved by it in Russia. It is
rife in America, in Italy, in Denmark, in Austria. Let no man delude
himself that Socialism has no footing here. I tell them (and I venture
to say that I know) Socialism within the last few years has made
some progress here. It will assuredly make progress still. With the
aspirations and social aims of Socialism we have much in common,
little as we are Communists and firmly as we support the institution
of private property. But if Socialism is in the ascendant, if the new
democracy is exceedingly likely to pass through a wave of Socialist
tendency, are these the men, and is this the epoch to foster a policy
of imperial aggression? With the antipathy felt by Socialists for all
forms of national selfishness, with their hatred of war, and their
noble aspirations after the brotherhood of races and nations, we as
Positivists are wholly at one. Let us join hands, then, with Socialists,
with Democrats, with Humanitarians, and reformers of every school,
who repudiate a policy of national oppression; and together let us
appeal to the new democracy from the old plutocracy to arrest our
nation in its career of blood, and to lift this guilty burden from the
conscience of our children for ever.
So let us begin the year resolved to do our duty as citizens,
fearlessly and honestly, striving to show our neighbors that social
morality is a real religion in itself, by which men can order their lives
and purify their hearts. Let us seek to be gentler as fathers,
husbands, comrades, or masters; more dutiful as sons and
daughters, learners or helpers; more diligent as workers, students,
or teachers; more loving and self-denying as men and as women
everywhere. Let us think less about calling on Humanity and more
about being humane. Let us talk less about religion, and try more
fully to live religion. We have sufficiently explained our principles in
words. Let us manifest them in act. I do not know that more is to be
gained by the further preaching of our creed—much less by external
profession of our own conviction. The world will be ours, the day
that men see that Positivism in fact enables men to live a more pure
and social life, that it fills us with a desire for all useful knowledge,
stimulates us to help one another and bear with one another, makes
our homes the brighter, our children the better, our lives the nobler
by its presence; and that on the foundation of order, and in the spirit
of love, and with progress before us as our aim, we can live for
others, live openly before all men.—Fortnightly Review.
THE POETRY OF TENNYSON.
BY RODEN NOEL.
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