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 SECOND EDITION

Research Methods
A Modular Approach

Sherri L. Jackson
Jacksonville University

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 Research Methods: A Modular Approach, © 2011, 2008 Wadsworth/Cengage Learning
Second Edition
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the copyright
Sherri L. Jackson
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 To my parents, Kenneth and Eleanor,
for all they have done

Copyright 2010 Cengage Learning, All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
 ABOUT THE AUTHOR

SHERRI L. JACKSON is Professor of Psychology at

Jacksonville University, where she has taught since
1988. At JU she has won the Excellence in Scholarship
(2003), University Service (2004), and Teaching
Awards (2009), the university-wide Professor of the
Year Award (2004), the Woman of the Year Award
(2005), and the Institutional Excellence Award (2007).
She received her M.S. and Ph.D. in cognitive/experimental
psychology from the University of Florida. Her re-
search interests include human reasoning and the teach-
ing of psychology. She has published numerous articles
in both areas. In 1997 she received a research grant
from the Office of Teaching Resources in Psychology
(APA Division 2) to develop A Compendium of
Introductory Psychology Textbooks 1997–2000. She is
also the author of Research Methods and Statistics:
A Critical Thinking Approach, 3rd edition (Belmont,
CA: Wadsworth/Cengage, 2009) and Statistics Plain
and Simple, 2nd edition (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/
Cengage, 2010).

iv

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 BRIEF CONTENTS

PREF AC E xxi

CHAPTER 1 Thinking Like a Scientist 1

Module 1 Science and Psychology 3

Module 2 An Introduction to Research Methods 19

CHAPTER 2 Getting Started 33

Module 3 Research Ideas 35

Module 4 Ethical Research 46

CHAPTER 3 Variables 67

Module 5 Defining, Measuring, and Manipulating Variables 69

Module 6 Reliability and Validity 80

Copyright 2010 Cengage Learning, All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
vi BRIEF CONTENTS

CHAPTER 4 Descriptive Methods 93

Module 7 Observational and Qualitative Methods 95

Module 8 Survey Methods 109

CHAPTER 5 Predictive (Relational) Methods 127

Module 9 Conducting Correlational Research 130

Module 10 Quasi-Experimental Designs 143

Module 11 Conducting Single-Case Research 155

CHAPTER 6 Explanatory Methods 169

Module 12 Between-Participants Experimental Designs 172

Module 13 Correlated-Groups and Developmental Designs 186

Module 14 Advanced Experimental Designs 195

CHAPTER 7 Descriptive Statistics 213

Module 15 Data Organization, Central Tendency, and Variance 215

Module 16 Transformation Scores and Correlation Coefficients 233

CHAPTER 8 Inferential Statistics I 259

Module 17 Hypothesis Testing 261

Module 18 The t Test for Independent Groups 270

Copyright 2010 Cengage Learning, All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
 BRIEF CONTENTS vii

CHAPTER 9 Inferential Statistics II 285

Module 19 t Test for Correlated Groups (Samples) 287

Module 20 Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) 296

CHAPTER 10 APA Communication Guidelines 319

Module 21 Communicating Research Findings 321

Module 22 APA Sample Manuscript 337

APPENDIX A Answers to Odd-Numbered Exercises 355

APPENDIX B Statistical Tables 371
APPENDIX C Excel, SPSS, and TI84 Exercises 386
APPENDIX D Computational Formulas for ANOVAs 426

REFERENCES 427
GLOSSARY 429
INDEX 435

Copyright 2010 Cengage Learning, All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
 CONTENTS

PREF ACE xxi

CHAPTER 1 Thinking Like a Scientist 1

Module 1 Science and Psychology 3

Areas of Psychological Research 6
Psychobiology 6
Cognition 6
Human Development 6
Social Psychology 6
Psychotherapy 8
Sources of Knowledge 8
Superstition and Intuition 8
Authority 9
Tenacity 9
Rationalism 10
Empiricism 10
Science 11
The Scientific (Critical Thinking) Approach and Psychology 12
Systematic Empiricism 12
Public Verification 13
Empirically Solvable Problems 13
Basic and Applied Research 15
Goals of Science 16
Description 16
Prediction 16
Explanation 16
Summary 17

viii

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 CONTENTS ix

Review of Key Terms 17

Module Exercises 17
Critical Thinking Check Answers 18
Web Resources 18

Module 2 An Introduction to Research Methods 19

Descriptive Methods 20
Predictive (Relational) Methods 21
Explanatory Method 22
Doing Science 25
Proof and Disproof 26
The Research Process 27
Summary 27
Review of Key Terms 27
Module Exercises 28
Critical Thinking Check Answers 29
Web Resources 29
CHAPTER ONE SUMMARY AND REVIEW: THINKING LIKE
A SCIENTIST 30

CHAPTER 2 Getting Started 33

Module 3 Research Ideas 35

Reviewing the Literature 37
Library Research 37
Journals 37
Psychological Abstracts 38
PsycINFO and PsycLIT 38
Social Science Citation Index and Science Citation Index 42
Other Resources 42
Reading a Journal Article: What to Expect 44
Abstract 44
Introduction 44
Method 45
Results 45
Discussion 45
Summary 45
Module Exercise 45
Web Resources 45

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x CONTENTS

Module 4 Ethical Research 46

Ethical Standards in Research with Human Participants 47
Institutional Review Boards 54
Informed Consent 54
Risk 55
Deception 57
Debriefing 57
Ethical Standards in Research with Children 57
Ethical Standards in Research with Animals 58
Summary 63
Review of Key Terms 63
Module Exercises 63
Critical Thinking Check Answers 63
Web Resources 64
CHAPTER TWO SUMMARY AND REVIEW: GETTING STARTED 65

CHAPTER 3 Variables 67

Module 5 Defining, Measuring, and Manipulating Variables 69

Defining Variables 70
Properties of Measurement 71
Scales of Measurement 71
Nominal Scale 72
Ordinal Scale 72
Interval Scale 72
Ratio Scale 73
Discrete and Continuous Variables 74
Types of Measures 74
Self-Report Measures 74
Tests 75
Behavioral Measures 75
Physical Measures 76
Summary 77
Review of Key Terms 78
Module Exercises 78
Critical Thinking Check Answers 78
Web Resources 79

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 CONTENTS xi

Module 6 Reliability and Validity 80

Reliability 81
Error in Measurement 81
How to Measure Reliability: Correlation Coefficients 82
Types of Reliability 83
Test/Retest Reliability 83
Alternate-Forms Reliability 83
Split-Half Reliability 84
Interrater Reliability 84
Validity 85
Content Validity 85
Criterion Validity 86
Construct Validity 86
The Relationship between Reliability and Validity 87
Summary 88
Review of Key Terms 88
Module Exercises 88
Critical Thinking Check Answers 89
Web Resources 89
CHAPTER THREE SUMMARY AND REVIEW: VARIABLES 90

CHAPTER 4 Descriptive Methods 93

Module 7 Observational and Qualitative Methods 95

Naturalistic Observation 96
Options When Using Observation 96
Laboratory Observation 98
Data Collection 99
Narrative Records 99
Checklists 100
Qualitative Methods 101
Case Study Method 102
Archival Method 102
Interviews and Focus Group Interviews 103
Field Studies 104
Action Research 105
Qualitative Data Analysis 106
Summary 106
Review of Key Terms 107

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xii CONTENTS

Module Exercises 107

Critical Thinking Check Answers 107
Web Resources 108
Lab Resources 108

Module 8 Survey Methods 109

Survey Construction 110
Writing the Questions 110
Arranging the Questions 113
Administering the Survey 113
Mail Surveys 113
Telephone Surveys 115
Personal Interviews 116
Sampling Techniques 117
Probability Sampling 117
Nonprobability Sampling 119
Summary 121
Review of Key Terms 121
Module Exercises 121
Critical Thinking Check Answers 121
Web Resources 122
Lab Resources 122
CHAPTER FOUR SUMMARY AND REVIEW: DESCRIPTIVE
METHODS 123

CHAPTER 5 Predictive (Relational) Methods 127

Module 9 Conducting Correlational Research 130

Magnitude, Scatterplots, and Types of Relationships 131
Magnitude 132
Scatterplots 132
Positive Relationships 133
Negative Relationships 134
No Relationship 134
Curvilinear Relationships 134
Misinterpreting Correlations 136
The Assumptions of Causality and Directionality 136
The Third-Variable Problem 137
Restrictive Range 138
Curvilinear Relationships 139
Prediction and Correlation 139
Summary 140

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 CONTENTS xiii

Review of Key Terms 141

Module Exercises 141
Critical Thinking Check Answers 141
Web Resources 142
Lab Resources 142

Module 10 Quasi-Experimental Designs 143

Nonmanipulated Independent Variables 144
An Example: Snow and Cholera 145
Types of Quasi-Experimental Designs 146
Single-Group Posttest-Only Design 147
Single-Group Pretest/Posttest Design 147
Single-Group Time-Series Design 148
Nonequivalent Control Group Posttest-Only Design 149
Nonequivalent Control Group Pretest/Posttest Design 150
Multiple-Group Time-Series Design 150
Internal Validity and Confounds in Quasi-Experimental Designs 151
Summary 152
Review of Key Terms 153
Module Exercises 153
Critical Thinking Check Answers 153
Web Resources 154
Lab Resources 154

Module 11 Conducting Single-Case Research 155

Types of Single-Case Designs 157
Reversal Designs 157
ABA Reversal Designs 158
ABAB Reversal Designs 158
Multiple-Baseline Designs 159
Multiple Baselines across Participants 160
Multiple Baselines across Behaviors 161
Multiple Baselines across Situations 161
Summary 163
Review of Key Terms 163
Module Exercises 163
Critical Thinking Check Answers 163
Web Resources 164
Lab Resources 164
CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY AND REVIEW: PREDICTIVE (RELATIONAL)
METHODS 165

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xiv CONTENTS

CHAPTER 6 Explanatory Methods 169

Module 12 Between-Participants Experimental Designs 172

Control and Confounds 176
Threats to Internal Validity 177
Nonequivalent Control Group 177
History 177
Maturation 178
Testing 178
Regression to the Mean 178
Instrumentation 178
Mortality or Attrition 179
Diffusion of Treatment 179
Experimenter and Subject (Participant) Effects 179
Floor and Ceiling Effects 181
Threats to External Validity 183
Generalization to Populations 183
Generalization from Laboratory Settings 183
Summary 184
Review of Key Terms 184
Module Exercises 185
Critical Thinking Check Answers 185
Web Resources 185
Lab Resources 185

Module 13 Correlated-Groups and Developmental Designs 186

Within-Participants Experimental Designs 187
Matched-Participants Experimental Designs 190
Developmental Designs 192
Cross-Sectional Designs 192
Longitudinal Designs 192
Sequential Designs 193
Summary 193
Review of Key Terms 193
Module Exercises 194
Critical Thinking Check Answers 194
Web Resources 194
Lab Resources 194

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 CONTENTS xv

Module 14 Advanced Experimental Designs 195

Using Designs with More Than Two Levels of an Independent
Variable 196
Comparing More Than Two Kinds of Treatment in One Study 196
Comparing Two or More Kinds of Treatment with the Control Group
(No Treatment) 197
Comparing a Placebo Group with the Control and Experimental
Groups 199
Using Designs with More Than One Independent Variable 199
Factorial Notation and Factorial Designs 200
Main Effects and Interaction Effects 201
Possible Outcomes of a 2 × 2 Factorial Design 204
Summary 207
Review of Key Terms 207
Module Exercises 207
Critical Thinking Check Answers 208
Web Resources 208
Lab Resources 208
CHAPTER SIX SUMMARY AND REVIEW: EXPLANATORY
METHODS 209

CHAPTER 7 Descriptive Statistics 213

Module 15 Data Organization, Central Tendency, and Variance 215

Organizing Data 216
Frequency Distributions 216
Graphs 216
Bar Graphs and Histograms 217
Frequency Polygons 219
Descriptive Statistics 221
Measures of Central Tendency 221
Mean 221
Median 223
Mode 224
Measures of Variation 225
Range 226
Standard Deviation 226
Summary 230

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xvi CONTENTS

Review of Key Terms 230

Module Exercises 230
Critical Thinking Check Answers 231
Web Resources 232

Module 16 Transformation Scores and Correlation Coefficients 233

Types of Distributions 234
Normal Distributions 234
Kurtosis 234
Positively Skewed Distributions 235
Negatively Skewed Distributions 236
z-Scores 236
z-Scores, the Standard Normal Distribution, Probability, and Percentile
Ranks 239
Correlation Coefficients 247
Advanced Correlational Techniques: Regression Analysis 250
Summary 251
Review of Key Terms 252
Module Exercises 252
Critical Thinking Check Answers 253
Web Resources 253
CHAPTER SEVEN SUMMARY AND REVIEW: DESCRIPTIVE
STATISTICS 254

CHAPTER 8 Inferential Statistics I 259

Module 17 Hypothesis Testing 261

Null and Alternative Hypotheses 262
One- and Two-Tailed Hypothesis Tests 263
Type I and Type II Errors in Hypothesis Testing 264
Statistical Significance and Errors 265
Parametric Statistics for Two-Group Designs 267
Summary 268
Review of Key Terms 268
Module Exercises 268
Critical Thinking Check Answers 269
Web Resources 269

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 CONTENTS xvii

Module 18 The t Test for Independent Groups 270

t Test for Independent Groups: What It Is and What It Does 271
Calculations for the Independent-Groups t Test 273
Interpreting the Independent-Groups t Test 274
Graphing the Means 276
Effect Size: Cohen s d 276
Assumptions of the Independent-Groups t Test 277
Summary 278
Review of Key Terms 278
Module Exercises 278
Critical Thinking Check Answers 279
Web Resources 280
Statistical Software Resources 280
CHAPTER EIGHT SUMMARY AND REVIEW: INFERENTIAL
STATISTICS I 281

CHAPTER 9 Inferential Statistics II 285

Module 19 t Test for Correlated Groups (Samples) 287

t Test for Correlated Groups: What It Is and What It Does 288
Calculations for the Correlated-Groups t Test 290
Interpreting the Correlated-Groups t Test and Graphing the Means 291
Effect Size: Cohen s d 292
Assumptions of the Correlated-Groups t Test 293
Summary 293
Review of Key Terms 294
Module Exercises 294
Critical Thinking Check Answers 295
Web Resources 295

Module 20 Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) 296

Comparing More Than Two Kinds of Treatment in One Study 297
Analyzing the Multiple-Group Experiment 298
Between-Participants Designs: One-Way Randomized ANOVA 298
One-Way Randomized ANOVA: What It Is and What It Does 299
Calculations for the One-Way Randomized ANOVA 302
Interpreting the One-Way Randomized ANOVA 306
Graphing the Means and Effect Size 307
Assumptions of the One-Way Randomized ANOVA 308
Tukey s Post Hoc Test 308

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xviii CONTENTS

One-Way Repeated Measures and Two-Way ANOVAs 311

Summary 311
Review of Key Terms 311
Module Exercises 312
Critical Thinking Check Answers 313
Web Resources 314
Lab Resources 314
Statistical Software Resources 314
CHAPTER NINE SUMMARY AND REVIEW: INFERENTIAL
STATISTICS II 315

CHAPTER 10 APA Communication Guidelines 319

Module 21 Communicating Research Findings 321

Writing Clearly 322
Avoiding Grammatical Problems 322
Reporting Numbers 324
Citing and Referencing 326
Citation Style: One Author 326
Citation Style: Multiple Authors 326
Reference Style 326
Typing and Word Processing 328
Organizing the Paper 329
Title Page 329
Abstract 330
Introduction 330
Method 330
Results 331
Discussion 331
References 331
Appendices 331
Tables and Figures 331
The Use of Headings 332
APA-Formatting Checklist 333
Conference Presentations 333
Oral Presentations 333
Poster Presentations 335
Summary 335

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 CONTENTS xix

Module Exercises 336

Critical Thinking Check Answers 336
Web Resources 336

Module 22 APA Sample Manuscript 337

CHAPTER TEN SUMMARY AND REVIEW: APA COMMUNICATION
GUIDELINES 354

APPENDIX A Answers to Odd-Numbered Exercises 355

APPENDIX B Statistical Tables 371
APPENDIX C Excel, SPSS, and TI84 Exercises 386
APPENDIX D Computational Formulas for ANOVAs 426

REFERENCES 427
GLOSSARY 429
INDEX 435

Copyright 2010 Cengage Learning, All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
Copyright 2010 Cengage Learning, All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
 PREFACE

This text was written to provide students and instructors with a simple
approach to learning and teaching research methods. One of my writing goals
was to be concise yet comprehensive. The text is organized into ten chapters,
each divided into modules. The modular format allows students to digest
smaller chunks and allows teachers to enjoy greater flexibility in reading as-
signments and class coverage. Most modules are brief: 7 to 15 pages in
length. However, even using a modular presentation, most of the text is com-
prehensive in its coverage of research methods and some statistics. Each mod-
ule is divided into subsections, which further serve to break the material
down into even smaller digestible chunks for ease of understanding and
assimilation.
In addition, I have made every attempt to use a straightforward, easy-to-
understand writing style, presenting information in a simple and direct fash-
ion. Because the research methods course is often one of the more difficult
ones for many students, I also try to write in an engaging, conversational
style, much as if the reader were a student seated in front of me in my class-
room. Through this writing style, I hope to help students better understand
some of the more troublesome concepts without losing their interest and
attention.

PEDAGOGICAL AIDS
The text utilizes several pedagogical aids at the chapter and modular levels.
Each chapter begins with a chapter outline. Within the modules are:
A running glossary in the book margin
Learning objectives at the beginning of each module

xxi

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xxii PREFACE

In Review summary matrices, which are at the end of major subsections

and which provide a review of the subsection s main concepts in a tabu-
lar format
Critical Thinking Checks, which vary in length and format, with most
involving a series of application questions concerning the module subsec-
tion information, that are designed to foster analytical/critical thinking
skills in students in addition to reviewing the module subsection informa-
tion (students can thus use the In Review summary after reading a mod-
ule subsection and then engage in the Critical Thinking Check on that
information)
Module Exercises, which are at the end of each module and which enable
students to further review and apply the knowledge in the module.
At the end of each chapter, there is a chapter summary and review
essentially a built-in study guide consisting of a chapter review, Fill-In Self-
Test, Multiple-Choice Self-Test, and Key Terms review. Answers to the Criti-
cal Thinking Checks are provided at the end of each module. Answers to the
odd-numbered Module Exercises and all Chapter Review Exercises are in-
cluded in Appendix A.
Additional study resources, including practice quizzes, chapter-by-chapter
flashcards, research methods workshops, and more, can be found on the com-
panion website at www.cengage.com/psychology/jackson.

NEW TO THIS EDITION

In this second edition, the APA manuscript style guidelines have been updated
to bring them in line with the newest edition of the APA style guide (2009).
In addition, learning objectives have been added to each module, the coverage
of the qualitative methods and the survey methods has been expanded and
updated, and the text has been reorganized from seven sections to ten chap-
ters. Further, there is an additional appendix which shows students how to
use Excel, SPSS, or the TI84 calculator to compute the statistics that are cov-
ered in the text.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I must acknowledge several people for their help with this project. I thank my
husband for his careful proofreading and insightful comments as well as
Henry for the encouragement of his ever-present wagging tail. Additionally,
I would like to thank those who reviewed the text in its various stages. The
reviewers include Dr. Ibtihaj Arafat, City College of the City University of
New York; Dr. Eric Bressler, Westfield State College; Dr. Bruce J. Diamond,
William Paterson University and UMDNJ-NJ Medical School; Dr. Hyun-
Jeong Kim, Rhodes College; Dr. Gary McCullough, the University of Texas
of the Permian Basin; Dr. Anne Moyer, Stony Brook University; Dr. Todd
Nelson, California State University, Stanislaus; and Dr. Frances M. Sessa,
Penn State Abington.

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 PREFACE xxiii

Special thanks to the team at Wadsworth: Tim Matray, Acquisitions

Editor; Alicia McLaughlin, Editorial Assistant; Sini Sivaraman, Content Project
Manager; Jessica Egbert, Senior Marketing Manager; Talia Wise, Senior
Marketing Communications Manager; Vernon Boes, Senior Art Director; and
Roberta Broyer, Permissions Editor. Finally, thanks to James A. Corrick for his
excellent copyediting skills.

Sherri L. Jackson

Copyright 2010 Cengage Learning, All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
Other titles, “indicating authority, bravery, and superiority,” assumed by Pallis are
Nāyakar, Varma, Padaiyāchi (head of an army), Kandar, Chēra, Chōla, Pāndya, Nayanar,
Udaiyar, Samburāyar, etc.17 Still further titles are Pillai, Reddi, Goundan, and
Kavandan. Some say that they belong to the Chōla race, and that, as such, they should be
called Chembians.18 Iranya Varma, the name of one of the early Pallava kings, was
returned as their caste by certain wealthy Pallis, who also gave themselves the title of
Sōlakanar (descendant of Chōla kings) at the census, 1901.

In reply to a question by the Census Superintendent, 1891, as to the names of the sub-
divisions of the caste, it was stated that “the Vanniyans are either of the solar and lunar
or Agnikula race, or Ruthra Vanniyar, Krishna Vanniyar, Samboo Vanniyar, Brahma
Vanniyar, and Indra Vanniyar.” The most important of the sub-divisions returned at the
census were Agamudaiyan, Agni, Arasu (Rāja), Kshatriya, Nāgavadam (cobra’s hood, or
ear ornament of that shape), Nattamān, Ōlai (palm leaf), Pandamuttu, and Perumāl gōtra.
Pandamuttu is made by Winslow to mean torches arranged so as to represent an
elephant. But the Pallis derive the name from panda muttu, or touching the pandal, in
reference to the pile of marriage pots reaching to the top of the pandal. The lowest pot is
decorated with figures of elephants and horses. At a marriage among the Pandamuttu
Pallis, the bride and bridegroom, in token of their Kshatriya descent, are seated on a
raised dais, which represents a simhāsanam or throne. The bride wears a necklace of
glass beads with the tāli, and the officiating priest is a Telugu Brāhman. Other sub-castes
of the Pallis, recorded in the Census Report, 1901, are Kallangi in Chingleput, bearing
the title Reddi, and Kallavēli, or Kallan’s fence, in the Madura district. The occupational
title Kottan (bricklayer) was returned by some Pallis in Coimbatore. In the Salem district
some Pallis are divided into Anju-nāl (five days) and Pannendū-nāl (twelve days),
according as they perform the final death ceremonies on the fifth or twelfth day after
death, to distinguish them from those who perform them on the sixteenth day.19 Another
division of Pallis in the Salem district is based on the kind of ear ornament which is
worn. The Ōlai Pallis wear a circular ornament (ōlai), and the Nāgavadam Pallis wear an
ornament in shape like a cobra and called nāgavadam.
 Mannarswāmi in front of shrine.

The Pallis are classed with the left-hand section. But the Census Superintendent, 1871,
records that “the wives of the agricultural labourers (Pallis) side with the left hand, while
the husbands help in fighting the battles of the right; and the shoe-makers’ (Chakkiliyan)
wives also take the side opposed to their husbands. During these factional disturbances,
the ladies deny to their husbands all the privileges of the connubial state.” This has not,
however, been confirmed in recent investigations into the customs of the caste.

The Pallis are Saivites or Vaishnavites, but are also demonolaters, and worship
Mutyālamma, Māriamma, Ayanar, Munēswara, Ankālamma, and other minor deities.
Writing nearly a century ago concerning the Vana Pallis settled at Kolar in Mysore,
Buchanan states20 that “they are much addicted to the worship of the saktis, or
destructive powers, and endeavour to avert their wrath by bloody sacrifices. These are
performed by cutting off the animal’s head before the door of the temple, and invoking
the deity to partake of the sacrifice. There is no altar, nor is the blood sprinkled on the
image, and the body serves the votaries for a feast. The Pallivānlu have temples
dedicated to a female spirit of this kind named Mutialamma, and served by pūjāris
(priests) of their own caste. They also offer sacrifices to Māriamma, whose pūjāris are
Kurubaru.”

Palli pū karagam.

Huge human figures, representing Mannarswāmi in a sitting posture, constructed of

bricks and mortar, and painted, are conspicuous objects in the vicinity of the Lawrence
Asylum Press, Mount Road, and in the Kottawāl bazar, Madras. At the village of
Tirumalavāyal near Āvadi, there is a similar figure as tall as a palmyra palm, with a
shrine of Pachaiamman close by. Mannarswāmi is worshipped mainly by Pallis and Bēri
Chettis. An annual festival is held in honour of Pachaiamman and Mannarswāmi, in
which the Bēri Chettis take a prominent part.
During the festivals of village deities, the goddess is frequently represented by a pile of
seven pots, called karagam, decorated with garlands and flowers. Even when there is an
idol in the temple, the karagam is set up in a corner thereof, and taken daily, morning
and evening, in procession, carried on the head of a pūjāri or other person. On the last
day of the festival, the karagam is elaborately decorated with parrots, dolls, flowers, etc.,
made of pith (Æschynomene aspera), and called pu karagam (flower pot).

The Pallis live in separate streets or quarters distinctively known as the Palli teru or Kudi
teru (ryots’ quarter). The bulk of them are labourers, but many now farm their own lands,
while others are engaged in trade or in Government service. The occupations of those
whom I have examined at Madras and Chingleput were as follows:—

Merchant. Fitter.
Cultivator. Sawyer.
Bullock and pony cart driver. Oil-presser.
Printer. Gardener.
Lascar. Polisher.
Sweetmeat vendor. Bricklayer.
Flower vendor. Mason.

Some of the Chingleput Palli men were tattooed, like the Irulas, with a dot or vertical
stripe on the forehead. Some Irulas, it may be noted en passant, call themselves Tēn
(honey) Vanniyans, or Vana (forest) Pallis.

Like many other castes, the Pallis have their own caste beggars, called Nōkkan, who
receive presents at marriages and on other occasions. The time-honoured panchāyat
system still prevails, and the caste has headmen, entitled Perithanakkāran or
Nāttamaikkāran, who decide all social matters affecting the community, and must be
present at the ceremonial distribution of pānsupāri.

The Kōvilars, and some others who aspire to a high social status, practice infant
marriage, but adult marriage is the rule. At the betrothal ceremony, the future
bridegroom goes to the house of his prospective father-in-law, where the headman of the
future bride must be present. The bridegroom’s headman or father places on a tray betel,
flowers, the bride-price (pariyam) in money or jewels, the milk money (mulapāl kūli),
and a cocoanut. Milk money is the present given to the mother of the bride, in return for
her having given nourishment to the girl during her infancy. All these things are handed
by the bridegroom’s headman to the father or headman of the bride, saying “The money
is yours. The girl is ours.” The bride’s father, receiving them, says “The money is mine.
The girl is yours.” This performance is repeated thrice, and pān-supāri is distributed, the
first recipient being the maternal uncle. The ceremony is in a way binding, and marriage,
as a rule, follows close on the betrothal. If, in the interval, a girl’s intended husband dies,
she may marry some one else. A girl may not marry without the consent of her maternal
uncle, and, if he disapproves of a match, he has the right to carry her off even when the
ceremony is in progress, and marry her to a man of his selection. It is stated, in the
Vannikula Vilakkam, that at a marriage among the Pallis “the bride, after her betrothal, is
asked to touch the bow and sword of the bridegroom. The latter adorns himself with all
regal pomp, and, mounting a horse, goes in procession to the bride’s house where the
marriage ceremony is celebrated.”

The marriage ceremony is, in ordinary cases, completed in one day, but the tendency is
to spread it over three days, and introduce the standard Purānic form of ritual. On the
day preceding the wedding-day, the bride is brought in procession to the house of the
bridegroom, and the marriage pots are brought by a woman of the potter caste. On the
wedding morning, the marriage dais is got ready, and the milk-post, pots, and lights are
placed thereon. Bride and bridegroom go separately through the nalagu ceremony. They
are seated on a plank, and five women smear them with oil by means of a culm of grass
(Cynodon Dactylon), and afterwards with Phaseolus Mungo (green gram) paste. Water
coloured with turmeric and chunām (ārathi) is then waved round them, to avert the evil
eye, and they are conducted to the bathing-place. While they are bathing, five small
cakes are placed on various parts of the body—knees, shoulders, head, etc. When the
bridegroom is about to leave the spot, cooked rice, contained in a sieve, is waved before
him, and thrown away. The bridal couple are next taken three times round the dais, and
they offer pongal (cooked rice) to the village and house gods and the ancestors, in five
pots, in which the rice has been very carefully prepared, so as to avoid pollution of any
kind, by a woman who has given birth to a first child. They then dress themselves in
their wedding finery, and get ready for the tying of the tāli. Meanwhile, the milk-post,
made of Odina Wodier, Erythrina indica, or the handle of a plough, has been set up. At
its side are placed a grindstone, a large pot, and two lamps called kuda-vilakku (pot
light) and alankara-vilakku (ornamental light). The former consists of a lighted wick in
an earthenware tray placed on a pot, and the latter of a wooden stand with several
branches supporting a number of lamps. It is considered an unlucky omen if the pot light
goes out before the conclusion of the ceremonial. It is stated by Mr. H. A. Stuart21 that in
the North Arcot district “in the marriage ceremony of the Vanniyans or Pallis, the first of
the posts supporting the booth must be cut from the vanni (Prosopis spicigera), a tree
which they hold in much reverence because they believe that the five Pandava Princes,
who were like themselves Kshatriyas, during the last year of their wanderings, deposited
their arms in a tree of this species. On the tree the arms turned into snakes, and remained
untouched till the owners’ return.” The Prosopis tree is worshipped in order to obtain
pardon from sins, success over enemies, and the realisation of the devotee’s wishes.
 Pandamutti (marriage pots).

When the bride and bridegroom come to the wedding booth dressed in their new clothes,
the Brāhman purōhit gives them the threads (kankanam), which are to be tied round their
wrists. The tāli is passed round to be blessed by those assembled, and handed to the
bridegroom, who ties it on the bride’s neck. While he is so doing, his sister holds a light
called Kamākshi vilakku. Kamākshi, the goddess at Conjeeveram, is a synonym for
Siva’s consort Parvathi. The music of the flute is sometimes accompanied by the
blowing of the conch shell while the tāli is being tied, and omens are taken from the
sounds produced thereby. The tāli-tying ceremony concluded, the couple change their
seats, and the ends of their clothes are tied together. Rice is thrown on their heads, and in
front of them, and the near relations may tie gold or silver plates called pattam. The first
to do this is the maternal uncle. Bride and bridegroom then go round the dais and milk-
post, and, at the end of the second turn, the bridegroom lifts the bride’s left foot, and
places it on the grindstone. At the end of the third turn, the brother-in-law, in like
manner, places the bridegroom’s left foot on the stone, and puts on a toe-ring. For so
doing, he receives a rupee and betel. The contracting couple are then shown the pole-star
(Arundhati), and milk and fruit are given to them. Towards evening, the wrist-threads are
removed, and they proceed to a tank for a mock ploughing ceremony. The bridegroom
carries a ploughshare, and the bride a small pot containing conji (rice gruel). A small
patch of ground is turned up, and puddled so as to resemble a miniature field, wherein
the bridegroom plants some grain seedlings. A miniature Pillayar (Ganēsa) is made with
cow-dung, and betel offered to it. The bridegroom then sits down, feigning fatigue, and
the bride gives him a handful of rice, which his brother-in-law tries to prevent him from
eating. The newly-married couple remain for about a week at the bride’s house, and are
then conducted to that of the bridegroom, the brother-in-law carrying a hundred or a
hundred and ten cakes. Before they enter the house, coloured water and a cocoanut are
waved in front of them, and, as soon as she puts foot within her new home, the bride
must touch pots containing rice and salt with her right hand. A curious custom among the
Pallis at Kumbakōnam is that the bride’s mother, and often all her relatives, are debarred
from attending her marriage. The bride is also kept gōsha (in seclusion) for all the days
of the wedding.22

It is noted by Mr. Hemingway that some of the Pandamuttu Pallis of the Trichinopoly
district “practice the betrothal of infant girls, the ceremony consisting of pouring cow-
dung water into the mouth of the baby. They allow a girl to marry a boy younger than
herself, and make the latter swallow a two-anna bit, to neutralise the disadvantages of
such a match. Weddings are generally performed at the boy’s house, and the bride’s
mother does not attend. The bride is concealed from view by a screen.”

It is said that, some years ago, a marriage took place at Panruti near Cuddalore on the old
Svayamvara principle described in the story of Nala and Damayanti in the Mahābhārata.
According to this custom, a girl selects a husband from a large number of competitors,
who are assembled for the purpose.

Widow remarriage is permitted. At the marriage of a widow, the tāli is tied by a married
woman, the bridegroom standing by the side, usually inside the house. Widow marriage
is known as naduvittu tāli, as the tāli-tying ceremony takes place within the house
(naduvīdu).

To get rid of the pollution of the first menstrual period, holy water is sprinkled over the
girl by a Brāhman, after she has bathed. She seats herself on a plank, and rice cakes
(puttu), a pounding stone, and ārathi are waved in front of her. Sugar and betel are then
distributed among those present.

The dead are sometimes burnt, and sometimes buried. As soon as an individual dies, the
son goes three times round the corpse, carrying an iron measure (marakkal), wherein a
lamp rests on unhusked rice. The corpse is washed, and the widow bathes in such a way
that the water falls on it. Omission to perform this rite would entail disgrace, and there is
an abusive phrase “May the water from the woman’s body not fall on that of the corpse.”
The dead man and his widow exchange betel three times. The corpse is carried to the
burning or burial-ground on a bamboo stretcher, and, on the way thither, is set down near
a stone representing Arichandra, to whom food is offered. Arichandra was a king who
became a slave of the Paraiyans, and is in charge of the burial-ground. By some Pallis a
two-anna piece is placed on the forehead, and a pot of rice on the breast of the corpse.
These are taken away by the officiating barber and Paraiyan respectively.23 Men who die
before they are married have to go through a post-mortem mock marriage ceremony. A
garland of arka (Calotropis gigantea) flowers is placed round the neck of the corpse, and
mud from a gutter is shaped into cakes, which, like the cakes at a real marriage, are
placed on various parts of the body.

A curious death ceremony is said by Mr. Hemingway to be observed by the Arasu Pallis
in the Trichinopoly district. On the day after the funeral, two pots of water are placed
near the spot where the corpse was cremated. If a cow drinks of the water, they think it is
the soul of the dead come to quench its thirst.

In some places, Palli women live in strict seclusion (Gōsha). This is particularly the case
in the old Palaigar families of Ariyalūr, Udaiyarpālaiyam, Pichavaram, and Sivagiri.

The caste has a well-organised Sangham (association) called Chennai Vannikula

Kshatriya Mahā Sangham, which was established in 1888 by leaders of the caste.
Besides creating a strong esprit de corps among members of the caste in various parts of
the Madras Presidency, it has been instrumental in the opening of seven schools, of
which three are in Madras, and the others at Conjeeveram, Madhurantakam,
Tirukalikundram and Kumalam. It has also established chuttrams (rest-houses) at five
places of pilgrimage. Chengalvarāya Nāyakar’s Technical School, attached to
Pachaiappa’s College in Madras, was founded in 1865 by a member of the Palli caste,
who bequeathed a large legacy for its maintenance. There is also an orphanage named
after him in Madras, for Palli boys. Gōvindappa Nāyakar’s School, which forms the
lower secondary branch of Pachaiappa’s College, is another institution which owes its
existence to the munificence of a member of the Palli caste. The latest venture of the
Pallis is the publication of a newspaper called Agnikuladittan (the sun of the Agnikula),
which was started in 1908.
Concerning the Pallis, Pallilu, or Palles, who are settled in the Telugu country as
fishermen, carpenters, and agriculturists, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes24 that “it seems
probable that they are a branch of the great Palli or Vanniya tribe, for Buchanan refers to
the Mīna (fish) Pallis and Vana Pallis.” As sub-castes of these Pallis, Vada (boatmen),
Marakkādu and Ēdakula are given in the Census Report, 1901. In the North Arcot
Manual, Palli is given as a sub-division of the Telugu Kāpus. In some places the Pallis
call themselves Palle Kāpulu, and give as their gōtram Jambumāharishi, which is a
gōtram of the Pallis. Though they do not intermarry, the Palle Kāpulu may interdine with
the Kāpus.

Concerning the caste-beggars of the Pallis, and their legendary history, I read the
following account.25 “I came upon a noisy procession entering one of the main streets of
a town not far from Madras. It was headed by spearmen, swordsmen, and banner-
bearers, the last carrying huge flags (palempores) with representations of lions, tigers,
monkeys, Brahmany kites, goblins and dwarfs. The centre of attraction consisted of
some half dozen men and women in all the bravery of painted faces and gay clothing,
and armed with swords, lances, and daggers. Tom-toms, trumpets, cymbals, and horns
furnished the usual concomitant of ear-piercing music, while the painted men and
women moved, in time with it, their hands and feet, which were encircled by rows of
tiny bells. A motley following of the tag-rag and bob-tail of the population, which had
been allured thither by the noise and clamour, brought up the rear of the procession,
which stopped at each crossing. At each halt, the trumpeters blew a great and sonorous
blast, while one of the central figures, with a conspicuous abdominal development,
stepped forward, and, in a stentorian voice, proclaimed the brave deeds performed by
them in the days gone by, and challenged all comers to try conclusions with them, or
own themselves beaten. I was told that the chief personages in the show were Jātipillays
(literally, children of the caste), who had arrived in the town in the course of their annual
tour of the country, for collecting their perquisites from all members of the Palli or
Padiāchi caste, and that this was how they announced their arrival. The perquisite levied
is known as the talaikattu vari (poll-tax, or literally the turban tax), a significant
expression when it is borne in mind that only the adult male members of the caste (those
who are entitled to tie a cloth round their heads) are liable to pay it, and not the women
and children. It amounts to but one anna per head, and is easily collected. The Jātipillays
also claim occult powers, and undertake to exhibit their skill in magic by the exorcism of
devils, witchcraft and sorcery, and the removal of spells, however potent. This operation
is called modi edukkirathu, or the breaking of spells, and sometimes the challenge is
taken up by a rival magician of a different caste. A wager is fixed, and won or lost
according to the superior skill of the challenger or challenged. Entering into friendly chat
with one of the leading members of the class, I gleaned the following legend of its
origin, and of the homage accorded to it by the Pallis. In remote times, when Salivahana
was king of the Chōla country, with its capital at Conjeeveram, all the principal castes of
South India had their head-quarters at the seat of government, where each, after its own
way, did homage to the triple deities of the place, namely, Kamakshi Amman,
Ekambrasvarar, and Sri Varadarājaswāmi. Each caste got up an annual car festival to
these deities. On one of these occasions, owing to a difference which had arisen between
the Seniyans (weavers), who form a considerable portion of the population of
Conjeeveram, on one side, and the Pallis or Vanniyans on the other, some members of
the former caste, who were adepts in magic, through sheer malevolence worked spells
upon the cars of the Pallis, whose progress through the streets first became slow and
tedious, and was finally completely arrested, the whole lot of them having come to a
stand-still, and remaining rooted on the spot in one of the much frequented
thoroughfares of the city. The Pallis put on more men to draw the cars, and even
employed elephants and horses to haul them, but all to no purpose. As if even this was
not sufficient to satisfy their malignity, the unscrupulous Seniyars actually went to King
Salivahana, and bitterly complained against the Pallis of having caused a public nuisance
by leaving their cars in a common highway to the detriment of the public traffic. The
king summoned the Pallis, and called them to account, but they pleaded that it was
through no fault of theirs that the cars had stuck in a thoroughfare, that they had not been
negligent, but had essayed all possible methods of hauling them to their destination by
adding to the number of men employed in pulling them, and by having further tried to
accelerate their progress with the aid of elephants, camels, and horses, but all in vain.
They further declared their conviction that the Seniyars had played them an ill-turn, and
placed the cars under a spell. King Salivahana, however, turned a deaf ear to these
representations, and decreed that it was open to the Pallis to counteract the spells of their
adversaries, and he prescribed a period within which this was to be effected. He also
tacked on a threat that, in default of compliance with his mandate, the Pallis must leave
his kingdom for good and ever. The Pallis sought refuge and protection of the goddess
Kamakshi Amman, whose pity was touched by their sad plight, and who came to their
aid. She appeared to one of the elders of the caste in a dream, and revealed to him that
there was a staunch devotee of hers—a member of their caste—who alone could remove
the spells wrought by the Seniyars, and that this man, Ramasawmy Naikan, was Prime
Minister in the service of the Kodagu (Coorg) Rāja. The desperate plight they were in
induced the Pallis to send a powerful deputation to the Rāja, and to beg of him to lend
them the services of Ramasawmy Naik, in order to save them from the catastrophe
which was imminent. The Rāja was kind enough to comply. The Naik arrived, and, by
virtue of his clairvoyant powers, took in the situation at a glance. He found myriads of
imps and uncanny beings around each of the car-wheels, who gripped them as by a vice,
and pulled them back with their sinewy legs and hands every time an attempt was made
to drag them forwards. Ramasawmy Naik by no means liked the look of things, for he
found that he had all his work cut out for him to keep these little devils from doing him
bodily harm, let alone any attempt to cast them off by spells. He saw that more than
common powers were needed to face the situation, and prayed to Kamakshi Amman to
disclose a way of overcoming the enemy. After long fasting and prayers, he slept a night
in the temple of Kamakshi Amman, in the hope that a revelation might come to him in
his slumber. While he slept, Kamakshi Amman appeared, and declared to him that the
only way of overcoming the foe was for the Pallis to render a propitiatory sacrifice, but
of a most revolting kind, namely, to offer up as a victim a woman pregnant with her first
child. The Pallis trembled at the enormity of the demand, and declared that they would
sooner submit to Salivahana’s decree of perpetual exile than offer such a horrible
sacrifice. Ramasawmy Naik, however, rose to the occasion, and resolved to sacrifice his
own girl-wife, who was then pregnant with her first child. He succeeded in propitiating
the deity by offering this heroic sacrifice, and the spells of the Seniyars instantly
collapsed, and the whole legion of imps and devils, who had impeded the progress of the
Pallis’ car, vanished into thin air. The coast having thus been cleared of hostile
influences, Ramasawmy Naik, with no more help than his own occult powers gave him,
succeeded in hauling the whole lot of cars to their destination, and in a single trip, by
means of a rope passed through a hole in his nose. The Pallis, whose gratitude knew no
bounds, called down benedictions on his head, and, falling prostrate before him, begged
him to name his reward for the priceless service rendered by him to their community.
Ramasawmy Naik only asked that the memory of his services to the caste might be
perpetuated by the bestowal upon him and his descendants of the title Jāti-pillay, or
children of the caste, and of the privilege of receiving alms at the hands of the Pallis; and
that they might henceforth be allowed the honour of carrying the badges of the caste—
banners, state umbrellas, trumpets, and other paraphernalia—in proof of the signal
victory they had gained over the Seniyars.”

Palli Dāsari.—A name for Tamil-speaking Dāsaris, as distinguished from Telugu-

speaking Dāsaris.

Palli Īdiga.—A name given by Telugu people to Tamil Shānāns, whose occupation is,
like that of Īdigas, toddy-drawing.

Pallicchan.—A sub-division of Nāyars, the hereditary occupation of which is palanquin-

bearing. In the Cochin Census Report, the Pallicchans are recorded as being palanquin-
bearers for Brāhmans.

Pallikkillam.—An exogamous sept or illam of Tamil Panikkans.

Pālua.—A sub-division of Badhōyi.

Pambaikkāran.—An occupational name for Paraiyans, who play on a drum called

pambai.

Pambala.—The Pambalas, or drum (pamba) people, are Mālas who act as musicians at
Māla marriages and festivals in honour of their deities. They also take part in the
recitation of the story of Ankamma, and making muggu (designs on the floor) at the
peddadinamu death ceremony of the Gamallas.

Pammi (a common lamp).—An exogamous sept of Dēvānga.

Pāmula (snake people).—A name for snake-charming Koravas, and Jōgis, who, in the
character of itinerant showmen, exhibit snakes to the public. The name also occurs as an
exogamous sept of Māla and Yānādi.

Panam (palmyra palm: Borassus flabellifer.)—A sub-division of Shānān. It also occurs

as a branch or kothu of Kondaiyamkotti Maravans.

Pānān.—The Tamil Pānāns are said, in the Census Report, 1901, to be also called
Mēstris. They are “tailors among Tamils in Madura and Tinnevelly. They employ
Brāhmans and Vellālas as purōhits. Though barbers and washermen will not eat food
prepared by them, they are allowed to enter Hindu temples.” The Malayālam Pānāns are
described in the same report as “exorcists and devil-dancers. The men also make
umbrellas, and the women act as midwives. In parts they are called Malayans, and they
may be descendants of that hill tribe who have settled in the plains.” In the South Canara
Manual, the Pānāns are said to be “the Malayālam caste corresponding to the Nalkes and
Pombadas. They are numerous in Malabar, where they are also known by the name of
Malayan. The devils whom they personify are supposed to have influence over crops,
and at the time of harvest the Pānāns go about begging from house to house, dancing
with umbrellas in their hands. On such occasions, however, it is only boys and girls who
personify the demons.” “The village magician or conjurer,” Mr. Gopal Panikkar
writes,26 “goes by different names, such as Pānān, Malayan, etc. His work consists in
casting out petty devils from the bodies of persons (chiefly children) possessed, in
writing charms for them to wear, removing the pernicious effects of the evil eye, and so
on.” On certain ceremonial occasions, the Pānān plays on an hour-glass shaped drum,
called thudi.

In an account of the funeral ceremonies of the Tīyans, Mr. Logan writes27 that “early on
the morning of the third day after death, the Kurup or caste barber adopts measures to
entice the spirit of the deceased out of the room in which he breathed his last. This is
done by the nearest relative bringing into the room a steaming pot of savoury funeral
rice. It is immediately removed, and the spirit, after three days’ fasting, is understood
greedily to follow the odour of the tempting food. The Kurup at once closes the door,
and shuts out the spirit. The Kurup belongs to the Pānān caste. He is the barber of the
polluting classes above Cherumans, and by profession he is also an umbrella maker. But,
curiously enough, though an umbrella maker, he cannot make the whole of an umbrella.
He may only make the framework; the covering of it is the portion of the females of his
caste. If he has no female relative of his own capable of finishing off his umbrellas, he
must seek the services of the females of other families in the neighbourhood to finish his
for him. The basket-makers are called Kavaras. Nothing will induce them to take hold of
an umbrella, as they have a motto, Do not take hold of Pānān’s leg.”

In an account of a ceremonial at the Pishāri temple near Quilandy in Malabar, Mr. F.

Fawcett writes28 that “early on the seventh and last day, when the morning procession is
over, there comes to the temple a man of the Pānān caste. He carries a small cadjan
(palm leaf) umbrella which he has made himself, adorned all round the edges with a
fringe of the young leaves of the cocoanut palm. The umbrella should have a long
handle, and with this in his hand he performs a dance before the temple. He receives
about 10 lbs. of raw rice for his performance.” It is further recorded by Mr. Fawcett that,
when a Tīyan is cremated, a watch is kept at the burning-ground for five days by Pānāns,
who beat drums all night to scare away the evil spirits which haunt such spots.

The following account of the Pānāns is given in the Gazetteer of Malabar. “The name is
perhaps connected with pān, music. They follow the makkattāyam family system (of
inheritance from father to son), and practice fraternal polyandry. In South Malabar there
are said to be four sub-divisions, called Tirurengan, Kōdaketti (umbrella tying), Mīnpidi
(fish catching), and Pulluvan, of which the last named is inferior in status to the other
three. They are also divided into exogamous illams or kiriyams. They worship Kāli, and
inferior deities such as Parakutti, Karinkutti, Gulikan, and Kutti Chāttan. Their methods
of exorcism are various. If any one is considered to be possessed by demons, it is usual,
after consulting the astrologer, to ascertain what Murti (lit. form) is causing the trouble,
to call in Pānāns, who perform a ceremony called Teyāttam, in which they wear masks,
and, so attired, sing, dance, tom-tom, and play on rude and strident pipes. Other of their
ceremonies for driving out devils called Ucchavēli seem to be survivals of imitations of
human sacrifice, or instances of sympathetic magic. One of these consists of a mock
living burial of the principal performer, who is placed in a pit which is covered with
planks, on the top of which a sacrifice (hōmam) is performed with a fire kindled with
jack (Artocarpus integrifolia) branches. In another variety, the Pānan cuts his left
forearm, and smears his face with the blood thus drawn. Pānans also take part with
Mannāns in various ceremonies at Badrakāli and other temples, in which the performers
personate, in suitable costumes, some of the minor deities or demons, and fowls are
sacrificed, while a Velicchapād dances himself into a frenzy, and pronounces oracles.” It
is further noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “to constitute a valid divorce, the
husband pulls a thread from his cloth, and gives it to his wife’s brother, saying ‘Your
parisha is over.’ It is a traditional duty of the Pānans to furnish a messenger to announce
to an Izhuvan (or Tandān) girl’s mother or husband (according to where she is staying)
that she has attained puberty.”

In the Census Report, 1901, Anjūttān (men of the five hundred) and Munnūttān (men of
the three hundred) are returned as sub-castes of the Malayālan Pānāns.
For the following account of the Pānāns of Travancore, I am indebted to Mr. N.
Subramani Aiyar. The word is of Tamil origin, and means a tailor. The title taken by
them is Panikkan, the usual honorific appellation of most of the industrial castes of
Malabar. They are supposed to be one with the Pānāns of the Tamil country, though
much below them in the social scale. They observe a pollution distance of thirty-six feet,
but keep Mannāns and Vēdans at a distance of eight, and Pulayas and Paraiyas at a
distance of thirty-two feet from them. They are their own barbers and washermen. They
will eat food prepared by Kammālans, of whom there is a tradition that they are a
degraded branch. Tiruvarangan, one of the popular sages of Malabar, who are reputed to
be the descendants of a Paraiya woman, is said to have been a Pānān, and the Pānāns pay
him due reverence. In the Kēralolpatti, the traditional occupation of the Pānāns is said to
be exorcism, and in British Malabar this occupation seems to be continued at the present
day. Umbrella-making is a secondary occupation for the men. In Travancore, however,
the only occupation pursued by the Pānāns is tailoring. The tāli-kettu celebration takes
place before the girl attains puberty. If this ceremony is intended to signify a real
marriage, the girl is taken to her husband’s house on the fourth day of the first menstrual
period, and they remain thenceforth man and wife. Otherwise a sambandham ceremony
has to be performed either by the tāli-tier or some one else, to establish conjugal
relations. Inheritance is mostly paternal. The dead are buried, and death pollution lasts
for sixteen days. The spirits of deceased ancestors are appeased once a year by the
offering of cooked food on the new-moon day in the month of Karkatakam (July-
August). Ancestors who died from some untoward accident are propitiated in the month
of Avani (August-September) by offerings of flesh and liquor. The latter ceremonial is
termed vellamkuli or water drinking. Small earthen sheds, called gurusalas or kuriyalas
and matams, are erected in memory of some ancestors.

The following account of the Pānāns of the Cochin State is extracted from a note by Mr.
L. K. Ananta Krishna Aiyar.29

“The Pānāns give, as the traditional account of their origin, a distorted version of the
tradition as to the origin of the Izhuvans, which is found in the Mackenzie Manuscripts.
The Pānān version of the story is as follows. One day a washerman of Cheraman
Perumāl chanced to wash his dress very clean. On being asked by the Perumāl as to the
cause of it, the washerman said that it was due to the suggestion of a handsome carpenter
girl, who saw him while washing. The Perumāl, pleased with the girl, desired her to be
married to his washerman. The parents of the girl were duly consulted, and they could
not refuse the offer, as it came from their sovereign. But his fellow carpenters resented it,
for, if the proposal was accepted, and the marriage celebrated, it might not only place the
members of her family under a ban, but would also bring dishonour to the castemen. To
avert the contemplated union, they resorted to the following device. A pandal (marriage
booth) was erected and tastefully decorated. Just at the auspicious hour, when the
bridegroom and his party were properly seated on mats in the pandal, the carpenters
brought a puppet exactly resembling the bride, and placed it by his side, when suddenly,
by a clever artifice, the carpenters caused the building to tumble down, and thereby
killed all those who were in it. They immediately left the Perumāl’s country, and took
refuge in the island of Ceylon. The ruler was much embarrassed by the disaster to the
washerman, and by the flight of the carpenters, for he had none in his country to build
houses. A few Pānāns were sent for, and they brought the carpenters back. On their
return, they were given some fruit of the palmyra palm, which they ate. They sowed the
seeds in their own places, and these grew into large fruit-bearing palms. The Pānāns
possessed the privilege of keeping these trees as their own, but subsequently made them
over to the Izhuvans, who, in memory of this, give even to-day two dishes of food to the
Pānāns on all ceremonial occasions in their houses. They have been, on that account,
called by the Izhuvans nettaries, for their having originally planted these trees.

“There are no titles among the Pānāns, but one, who was brought for examination at
Trichūr, told me that one of his ancestors got the title of Panikkan, and that he had the
privilege of wearing a gold ear-ring, carrying a walking-stick lined with silver, and using
a knife provided with a style. Kapradan is a title given to the headman in the Palghat
taluk. In Palghat, when the Kapradan dies, the Rāja is informed, and he sends to the
chief mourner (the son) a sword, a shield, a spear, a few small guns with some
gunpowder, a silver bangle, and a few necklaces. As the dead body is taken to the burial
ground, the chief mourner, wearing the ornaments above mentioned, goes behind it. In
front go a few persons armed with the weapons referred to. Three discharges are made
(1) when the dead body is removed from the house, (2) when it is placed on the ground,
(3) when it is burnt. The next day, the chief mourner pays his respects to the Rāja, with
an umbrella of his own making, when the Rāja bestows upon him the title of Kapradan.

“There are magicians and sorcerers among the Pānāns, who sometimes, at the request
even of the high-caste men, practice the black art. Some of the Pānāns, like the Parayans,
engage in magical rites of a repulsive nature, in order to become possessors of a
powerful medicine, the possession of which is believed to confer the power of obtaining
anything he wishes. They also believe in the existence of a demoniacal hierarchy.
Changili Karuppan, Pechi, Oodara Karuppan, Kāli, Chotala Karuppan, Chotala
Bhadrakāli, Yakshi, Gandharvan, and Hanumān are the names of the chief demons
whom they profess to control with the aid of mantrams (consecrated formulæ) and
offerings. They also profess that they can send one or more of these demons into the
bodies of men, and cast them out when persons are possessed of them. They profess to
cure all kinds of diseases in children with the aid of magic and medicines, and all the
castemen believe that harm or even death may be caused to men with the aid of
sorcerers. In such cases, an astrologer is consulted, and, according to his calculations, the
aid of a magician is sought for. When a person is suffering from what are believed to be
demoniacal attacks, he is relieved by the performance of the following ceremony, called
pathalahōmam. A pit about six feet in length, three feet in depth, and a foot or two in
breadth, is dug. A Pānān, covered with a new piece of cloth, is made to lie in the pit,
which is filled in with earth, leaving a small hole for him to breathe. Over the middle of
his body, the earth is raised and made level. A sacred fire (hōmam) is made over this
with the branches of a jack tree. Near it a large square is drawn with sixty-four small
divisions, in each of which a small leaf, with some paddy (unhusked rice), rice, flour,
and lighted torches, is placed. Gingelly (Sesamum) seeds, mustard seeds, grains of
chama (Panicum miliaceum), horse gram (Dolichos biflorus), eight fragrant things, the
skin of snakes, dung of the elephant, milk of the pala tree, twigs of the banyan tree,
dharba grass, nila narakam (Naregamia alata) oil, and ghee (clarified butter) are put into
it until it burns bright. The sick man is brought in front of it, and the sorcerer
authoritatively asks him—or rather the demon residing in his body—to take these things.
The sorcerer puts the above mentioned substances into the fire, muttering all the while
his mantrams invoking the favour of Vīra Bhadra or Kandakaruna. The significance of
these is ‘Oh! Kandakaruna, the King of the Dēvas, I have no body, that is, my body is
getting weaker and weaker, and am possessed of some demon, which is killing me,
kindly help me, and give me strength.’ This done, another operation is begun. A fowl is
buried, and a small portion of the earth above it is raised and made level. The figure of a
man is drawn by the side of it. Three hōmams (sacred fires) are raised, one at the head,
one in the middle, and one at the feet. The above mentioned grains, and other substances,
are put into the fire. A large square with sixty-four smaller squares in it is drawn, in each
of which a leaf, with grains of paddy, rice, and flowers, is placed. Another mantram in
praise of the demons already mentioned is uttered, and a song is sung. After finishing
this, a small structure in the form of a temple is made. A small plantain tree is placed by
the side of it. A padmam is drawn, and a pūja (worship) is performed for the
Paradēvatha, the queen of demons. The sorcerer makes offerings of toddy, beaten rice,
plantains, and cocoanuts, and soon turns oracle, and, as one inspired, tells what the deity
wishes, and gives information as regards the departure of the demons from the body. It is
now believed that the patient is free from all demoniacal attacks. The buried man is
exhumed, and allowed to go home.

“In the Palghat tāluk, the following form of sorcery is practiced, which is believed to
relieve persons from demoniacal attacks and disease. If, in the house of any casteman, it
is suspected that some malign influence is being exercised by demons, a Pānān is sent
for, who comes in the evening with his colleagues. A hōmam is lighted with the branches
of the trees already mentioned, and into it are thrown six kinds of grains, as well as oil
and ghee. As this is being done, Kallatikode Nili, the presiding archdemon, is propitiated
with songs and offerings. The next part of the ceremony consists in bringing a bier and
placing a Pānān on it, and a measure of rice is placed at his head. He is, as in the case of
a dead body, covered with a piece of new cloth, and a small plantain tree is placed
between the thighs. At his head a sheep and at his feet a fowl are killed. He pretends
gradually to recover consciousness. In this state he is taken outside the compound. The
Pānān, lying on the bier, evidently pretends to be dead, as if killed by the attack of some
demon. The propitiation with songs and offerings is intended to gratify the demons. This
is an instance of sympathetic magic.

“Some among the Pānāns practice the oti (or odi) cult, like the Parayas. The following
medicines, with the aid of magic, are serviceable to them in enticing pregnant women
from their houses. Their preparation is described as follows. A Pānān, who is an adept in
the black art, bathes early in the morning, dresses in a cloth unwashed, and performs
pūja to his deity, after which he goes in search of a Kotuveli plant (Manihot utilissima).
When he finds such a one as he wants, he goes round it three times every day, and
continues to do so for ninety days, prostrating himself every day before it. On the last
night, which must be a new-moon night, at twelve o’clock he performs pūja to the plant,
burning camphor, and, after going round it three times, prostrates himself before it. He
then places three small torches on it, and advances twenty paces in front of it. With his
mouth closed, and without any fear, he plucks the plant by the root, and buries it in the
ashes on the cremation ground, on which he pours the water of seven green cocoanuts.
He then goes round it twenty-one times, muttering all the while certain mantrams, after
which he plunges himself in the water, and stands erect until it extends to his mouth. He
takes a mouthful of water, which he empties on the spot, and then takes the plant with
the root, which he believes to possess peculiar virtues. When it is taken to the closed
door of a house, it has the power to entice a pregnant woman, when the fœtus is removed
(cf. article Parayan). It is all secretly done on a dark midnight. The head, hands and legs
are cut off, and the trunk is taken to a dark-coloured rock, on which it is cut into nine
pieces, which are all burned until they are blackened. At this stage, one piece boils, and
is placed in a new earthen pot, with the addition of the water of nine green cocoanuts.
The pot is removed to the burial-ground. The Pānān performs a pūja here in favour of his
favourite deity. Here he fixes two poles deep in the earth, at a distance of thirty feet from
each other.

The poles are connected by a strong wire, from which is suspended the pot to be heated
and boiled. Seven fire-places are made, beneath the wire. The branches of bamboo,
katalati (Achyranthes Emblica), conga (Bauhinea variegata), cocoanut palm, jack tree
(Artocarpus integrifolia), and pavatta (Pavatta indica), are used in forming a bright fire.
The mixture in the pot soon boils and becomes oily, at which stage it is passed through a
fine cloth. The oil is preserved, and a mark made with it on the forehead enables the
possessor to realise anything that is thought of. The sorcerer must be in a state of vow
for twenty-one days, and live on a diet of chama kanji. The deity, whose aid is necessary,
is propitiated with offerings.

“One of the ceremonies which the Pānāns perform is called Thukil Onarthuka (waking
thukil, a kind of drum). In the month of Karkadakam (July-August), a Pānān, with his
wife, provided with a drum and kuzhithalam (circular bell-metal cymbals), goes to the
houses of Brāhmans and Nāyars after midnight, and sings sacred songs. During the
week, they sing standing underneath a banyan tree near the western gate of the Trichūr
temple. From the temple authorities they get five measures of paddy, half a measure of
rice, some gingelly oil, and a cocoanut. For their services in other houses, they receive a
similar remuneration. This is intended to drive evil spirits, if any, from houses. Another
of their festivals is known as Pānān Kali. The traditional account therefor is as follows.
Once, when a Pānān and his wife went to a forest to bring bamboos for the manufacture
of umbrellas, they missed their way, night approached, and they could not return. They
began to be frightened by the varieties of noise heard by them in the wilderness. They
collected pieces of dry bamboo and leaves of trees, and burned them. In the presence of
the light thus obtained, the woman caught hold of a creeper hanging from a tree, and
danced in honour of Bhagavathi, while her husband sang songs praising her. The day
dawned at last, and they found their way home in safety. In memory of this incident, the
Pānāns organise a party for a regular play. There are ten male and two female actors, and
the play is acted during the whole night.

“The religion of the Pānāns consists of an all-pervading demonology. Their chief gods
are Mukkan, Chāthan, Kappiri, Malankorathi, and Kali. Pūjas are performed to them on
the first of Medom (April-May), Karkadakam (July-August), Desara, and on Tuesday in
Makaram (January-February). These deities are represented by stones placed under a
tree. They are washed with water on the aforesaid days, and offerings of sheep and
fowls, malar (parched rice), plantains, cocoanuts, and boiled rice are made to them.
Their belief is that these deities are ever prone to do harm to them, and should therefore
be propitiated with offerings. The Pānāns also worship the spirits of their ancestors, who
pass for their household gods, and whose help they seek in all times of danger. They fast
on new-moon nights, and on the eleventh night after full-moon or new-moon.

“The Pānān is the barber of the polluting castes above Cherumans. By profession he is
an umbrella-maker. Pānāns are also engaged in all kinds of agricultural work. In villages,
they build mud walls. Their women act as midwives.

“As regards social status, the Pānāns eat at the hands of Brāhmans, Nāyars, Kammālans,
and Izhuvans. They have to stand at a distance of thirty-two feet from Brāhmans. Pānāns
and Kaniyans pollute one another if they touch, and both bathe should they happen to do
so. They are their own barbers and washermen. They live in the vicinity of the Izhuvans,
but cannot live in the Nāyar tharas. Nor can they take water from the wells of the
Kammālans. They cannot approach the outer walls of Brāhman temples, and are not
allowed to enter the Brāhman streets in Palghat.”

In the Census Report, 1891, Pānān occurs as a sub-division of the Paraiyans. Their chief
occupation as leather-workers is said to be the manufacture of drum-heads.30
Panasa.—The Panasas are a class of beggars in the Telugu country, who are said to ask
alms only from Kamsalas. The word panasa means constant repetition of words, and, in
its application to the Panasa, probably indicates that they, like the Bhatrāzu bards and
panegyrists, make up verses eulogising those from whom they beg. It is stated in the
Kurnool Manual (1886) that “they take alms from the Bēri Kōmatis and goldsmiths
(Kamsalas), and no others. The story goes that, in Golkonda, a tribe of Kōmatis named
Bacheluvāru were imprisoned for non-payment of arrears of revenue. Finding certain
men of the artificer class who passed by in the street spit betel nut, they got it into their
mouths, and begged the artificers to get them released. The artificers, pitying them, paid
the arrears, and procured their release. It was then that the Kamsalis fixed a vartana or
annual house-fee for the maintenance of the Panasa class, on condition that they should
not beg alms from the other castes.” The Panasas appear every year in the Kurnool
district to collect their dues.

Pāncha.—Pāncha, meaning five, is recorded as a sub-division of the Linga Balijas, and

Pānchachāra or Pānchamsāle as a sub-division of Lingāyats. In all these, pāncha has
reference to the five ācharas or ceremonial observances of the Lingāyats, which seem to
vary according to locality. Wearing the lingam, worshipping it before meals, and paying
reverence to the Jangam priests, are included among the observances.

Pānchāla.—A synonym for Canarese Kammālans, among whom five (pānch) classes of
workers are included, viz., gold and silver, brass and copper, iron, and stone.

Pānchalinga (five lingams).—An exogamous sept of Bōya. The lingam is the symbol of
Siva.

Panchama.—The Panchamas are, in the Madras Census Report, 1871, summed up as

being “that great division of the people, spoken of by themselves as the fifth caste, and
described by Buchanan and other writers as the Pancham Bandam.” According to
Buchanan,31 the Pancham Bandum “consist of four tribes, the Parriar, the Baluan, the
Shekliar, and the Toti.” Buchanan further makes mention of Panchama Banijigaru and
Panchama Cumbharu (potters). The Panchamas were, in the Department of Public
Instruction, called “Paraiyas and kindred classes” till 1893. This classification was
replaced, for convenience of reference, by Panchama, which included Chacchadis,
Godāris, Pulayas, Holeyas, Mādigas, Mālas, Pallans, Paraiyans, Totis, and Valluvans. “It
is,” the Director of Public Instruction wrote in 1902, “for Government to consider
whether the various classes concerned should, for the sake of brevity, be described by
one simple name. The terms Paraiya, low caste, outcaste, carry with them a derogatory
meaning, and are unsuitable. The expression Pancham Banda, or more briefly Panchama,
seems more appropriate.” The Government ruled that there is no objection to the
proposal that Paraiyas and kindred classes should be designated Panchama Bandham or
Panchama in future, but it would be simpler to style them the fifth class.
The following educational privileges according to the various classes classified as
Panchama may be noted:—

(1) They are admitted into schools at half the standard rates of fees.

(2) Under the result grant system (recently abolished), grants were passed for Panchama
pupils at rates 50 per cent. higher than in ordinary cases, and 15 per cent. higher in
backward localities.

(3) Panchama schools were exempted from the attendance restriction, i.e., grants were
given to them, however small the attendance. Ordinary schools had to have an
attendance of ten at least to earn grants.

(4) Panchama students under training as teachers get stipends at rates nearly double of
those for ordinary Hindus.

An interesting account of the system of education at the Olcott Panchama Free Schools
has been written by Mrs. Courtright.32

Panchama is returned, in the Census Reports, 1891 and 1901, as a sub-division of Balija
and Banajiga.

Panchāramkatti.—A sub-division of Idaiyan, which derives its name from the neck
ornament (panchāram) worn by the women.

Pandamuttu.—A sub-division of Palli. The name is made by Winslow to mean a

number of torches arranged so as to represent an elephant. The Pallis, however, explain it
as referring to the pile of pots, which reaches to the top of the marriage pandal (pandal,
booth, mutti, touching). The lowest pot is decorated with figures of elephants and horses.

Pandāram.—Pandāram is described by Mr. H. A. Stuart33 as being “the name rather of

an occupation than a caste, and used to denote any non-Brāhmanical priest. The
Pandārams seem to receive numerous recruits from the Saivite Sūdra castes, who choose
to make a profession of piety, and wander about begging. They are in reality very lax in
their modes of life, often drinking liquor and eating animal food furnished by any
respectable Sūdra. They often serve in Siva temples, where they make garlands of
flowers to decorate the lingam, and blow brazen trumpets when offerings are made, or
processions take place. Tirutanni is one of the chief places, in which they congregate.”

It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly district, that “the water for the god’s
bath at Ratnagiri is brought by a caste of non-Brāhmans known as Tirumanjana
Pandārams, who fetch it every day from the Cauvery. They say that they are descended
from an Āryan king, who came to the god with the hope of getting rubies from him. The
god, in the guise of a Brāhman, tested his devotion by making him fill a magic vessel
with Cauvery water. The vessel would not fill, and the Āryan stranger in a fit of anger
cut off the Brāhman’s head. The dead body at once turned into a lingam, and the Āryan
was ordered to carry water for the temple till eternity.”

Pandāram is used both as the name of a caste, and of a class composed of recruits from
various castes (e.g., Vellāla and Palli). The Pandāram caste is composed of respectable
people who have settled down as land-holders, and of Sanyāsis and priests of certain
matams (religious institutions), and managers of richly endowed temples, such as those
at Tiruvādudurai in Tanjore and Mailām in South Arcot. The common name for these
managers is Tambirān. The caste Pandārams are staunch Saivites and strict vegetarians.
Those who lead a celibate life wear the lingam. They are said to have been originally
Sōzhia Vellālas, with whom intermarriage still takes place. They are initiated into the
Saivite religion by a rite called Dhīkshai, which is divided into five stages, viz., Samaya,
Nirvāna, Visēsha, Kalāsothanai, and Achārya Abhishēkam. Some are temple servants,
and supply flowers for the god, while others sing dēvaram (hymns to the god) during the
temple service. On this account, they are known as Meikāval (body-guard of the god),
and Ōduvar (reader). The caste Pandārams have two divisions, called Abhishēka and
Dēsikar, and the latter name is often taken as a title, e.g., Kandasāmi Dēsikar. An
Abhishēka Pandāram is one who is made to pass through some ceremonies connected
with Saiva Āgama.

The mendicant Pandārams, who are recruited from various classes, wear the lingam, and
do not abstain from eating flesh. Many villages have a Pandāram as the priest of the
shrine of the village deity, who is frequently a Palli who has become a Pandāram by
donning the lingam. The females are said to live, in some cases, by prostitution.

The Lingāyat Pandārams differ in many respects from the true Lingāyats. The latter
respect their Jangam, and use the sacred water, in which the feet of the Jangam are
washed, for washing their stone lingam. To the Pandārams, and Tamil Lingāyats in
general, this proceeding would amount to sacrilege of the worst type. Canarese and
Telugu Lingāyats regard a Jangam as superior to the stone lingam. In the matter of
pollution ceremonies the Tamil Lingāyats are very particular, whereas the orthodox
Lingāyats observe no pollution. The investiture with the lingam does not take place so
early among the Tamil as among the Canarese Lingāyats.

For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. “Dr. H. H. Wilson34 is
of opinion that the word Pandāram is ‘more properly Pānduranga, pale complexioned,
from their smearing themselves with ashes. It is so used in Hēmachandrā’s history of
Mahāvīra, when speaking of the Saiva Brāhmans.’ A more popular derivation of the
name is from Bandāram, a public treasury. A good many well-to-do Pandārams are
managers of Siva temples in Southern India, and accordingly have the temple treasuries
under their care. It is, however, possible that the name has been acquired by the caste by
reason of their keeping a yellow powder, called pandāram, in a little box, and giving it in
return for the alms which they receive.

Opinions are divided as to whether the Pandārams are Lingāyats or not. The opinion held
by F. W. Ellis, the well-known Tamil scholar and translator of the Kural of Tiruvalluvar,
is thus summarised by Colonel Wilks.35 “Mr. Ellis considers the Jangam of the upper
countries, and the Pandāram of the lower, to be of the same sect, and both deny in the
most unequivocal terms the doctrine of the metempsychosis. A manuscript in the
Mackenzie collection ascribes the origin of the Pandārams as a sacerdotal order of the
servile caste to the religious disputes, which terminated in the suppression of the Jain
religion in the Pāndian (Madura) kingdom, and the influence which they attained by the
aid which they rendered to the Brāhmans in that controversy, but this origin seems to
require confirmation. In a large portion, perhaps in the whole of the Brāhmanical
temples dedicated to Siva in the provinces of Arcot, Tanjore, Trichinopoly, Madura and
Tinnevelly, the Pandāram is the highest of the temple, and has the entire direction of the
revenues, but allows the Brāhmans to officiate in the ceremonial part according to their
own good pleasure, as a concern altogether below his note. He has generally the
reputation of an irreproachable life, and is treated by the Brāhmans of the temple with
great reverence, while on his part he looks with compassion at the absurd trifles which
occupy their attention. These facts seem to point to some former revolution, in which a
Jangam government obtained a superiority over the Brāhmanical establishments, and
adopted this mode of superseding the substantial part of their authority. It is a curious
instance of the Sooder (Sūdra) being the spiritual lord of the Brāhman, and is worthy of
further historical investigation.” Dr. Wilson36 also thinks that the Pandārams are
Lingāyats. Mr. H. A. Stuart37 says that they are a class of priests who serve the non-
Brāhman castes. They have returned 115 sub-divisions, of which only two are
sufficiently large to require mention, Āndi of Tinnevelly and Malabar, and Lingadāri of
Chingleput and Tinnevelly. Āndi is a quasi-caste of beggars recruited from all castes, and
the Lingadāri Pandārams are the same as Jangams. Pandāram is, in fact, a class name
rather than the name of a caste, and it consists of priests and beggars. Mr. C. P. Brown38
thinks that the Pandārams are not Lingāyats. ‘The Saiva worshippers among the Tamils
are called Pandārams: these are not Vira Saivas, nor do they wear the linga or adore
Basava. I name them here chiefly because they are often mentioned as being Vira Saivas,
whereas in truth they are (like the Smartas) Purva Saivas, and worship the image of Siva
in their houses.’ It must be remarked that Mr. Brown appears to have had a confused idea
of Pandārams. Pandārams wear the linga on their bodies in one of the usual modes, are
priests to others professing the Lingāyat religion, and are fed by them on funeral and
other ceremonial occasions. At the same time, it must be added that they are—more
especially the begging sections—very lax as regards their food and drink. This
characteristic distinguishes them from the more orthodox Lingāyats. Moreover,
Lingāyats remarry their widows, whereas the Pandārams, as a caste, will not.

“Pandārams speak Tamil. They are of two classes, the married and celibate. The former
are far more numerous than the latter, and dress in the usual Hindu manner. They have
the hind-lock of hair known as the kudumi, put on sacred ashes, and paint the point
between the eyebrows with a sandal paste dot. The celibates wear orange-tawny cloths,
and daub sacred ashes all over their bodies. They allow the hair of the head to become
matted. They wear sandals with iron spikes, and carry in their hands an iron trisūlam (the
emblem of Siva), and a wooden baton called dandāyudha (another emblem of Siva).
When they go about the streets, they sing popular Tamil hymns, and beat against their
begging bowl an iron chain tied by a hole to one of its sides. Married men also beg, but
only use a bell-metal gong and a wooden mallet. Most of these help pilgrims going to
the more famous Siva temples in the Madras Presidency, e.g., Tirutani, Palni,
Tiruvānnāmalai, or Tirupparankunram. Among both sections, the dead are buried in the
sitting posture, as among other Lingāyats. A samādhi is erected over the spot where they
are buried. This consists of a linga and bull in miniature, which are worshipped as often
as may be found convenient.

“The managers of temples and mutts (religious institutions), known as Pandāra

Sannadhis, belong to the celibate class. They are usually learned in the Āgamas and
Purānas. A good many of them are Tamil scholars, and well versed in Saiva Siddhānta
philosophy. They call themselves Tambirāns—a title which is often usurped by the
uneducated beggars.”

In the Census Report, 1901, Vairāvi is returned as a sub-caste of Pandāram, and said to
be found only in the Tinnevelly district, where they are measurers of grains and pūjāris
in village temples. Vairāvi is further used as a name for members of the Mēlakkāran
caste, who officiate as servants at the temples of the Nāttukōttai Chettis.

Pandāram is a title of the Panisavans and Valluvan priests of the Paraiyans.

A class of people called hill Pandārams are described39 by the Rev. S. Mateer as
“miserable beings without clothing, implements, or huts of any kind, living in holes,
rocks, or trees. They bring wax, ivory (tusks), and other produce to the Arayans, and get
salt from them. They dig roots, snare the ibex (wild goat, Hemitragus hylocrius) of the
hills, and jungle fowls, eat rats and snakes, and even crocodiles found in the pools
among the hill streams. They were perfectly naked and filthy, and very timid. They
spoke Malayālam in a curious tone, and said that twenty-two of their party had been
devoured by tigers within two monsoons.” Concerning these hill Pandārams, Mr. N.
Subramani Aiyar writes that they live on the banks of streams in crevices of rocks, caves,
and hollows of trees. They are known to the dwellers on the plains as Kāttumanushyar,
or forest men. They clad themselves in the bark of trees, and, in the rainy and cold
seasons, protect their bodies with plantain leaves. They speak a corrupt form of Tamil.
They fear the sight of other men, and try to avoid approaching them. A former European
magistrate of the Cardamom Hills took some of them to his residence, but, during their
three days’ stay there, they refused to eat or talk. There is a chieftain for every four hills,
but his authority is little more than nominal. When women are married, the earth and
hills are invoked as witnesses. They have Hindu names, such as Rāman, Kittan
(Krishna), and Govindan.

In a lecture delivered some years ago at Trivandrum, Mr. O. H. Bensley described the
hill Pandārams as being “skilful in catching fish, their mode of cooking which is to place
the fish on roots on a rock, and cover them with fire. They keep dogs, and, by their aid,
replenish their larder with rats, mungooses, iguanas (lizard, Varanus), and other
delicacies. I was told that the authority recognised by these people is the head Arayan, to
whom they give a yearly offering of jungle produce, receiving in exchange the scanty
clothing required by them. We had an opportunity of examining their stock-in-trade,
which consisted of a bill-hook similar to those used by other hillmen, a few earthen
cooking-pots, and a good stock of white flour, which was, they said, obtained from the
bark of a tree, the name of which sounded like āhlum. They were all small in stature,
with the exception of one young woman, and, both in appearance and intelligence,
compared favourably with the Urālis.”

Pandāriyar.—Pandāriyar or Pandārattar, denoting custodians of the treasury, has been

returned as a title of Nattamān, Malaimān, and Sudarmān.

Pāndava-kulam.—A title, indicative “of the caste of the Pāndava kings,” assumed by
Jātapus and Konda Doras, who worship the Pāndavas. The Pāndava kings were the
heroes of the Mahābhārata, who fought a great battle with the Kauravas, and are said to
have belonged to the lunar race of Kshatriyas. The Pāndavas had a single wife named
Draupadi, whom the Pallis or Vanniyans worship, and celebrate annually in her honour a
fire-walking festival. The Pallis claim to belong to the fire race of Kshatriyas, and style
themselves Agnikula Kshatriyas, or Vannikula Kshatriyas.

Pandi (pig).—Recorded as an exogamous sept of Asili, Bōya, and Gamalla. Pandipattu

(pig catchers) and Pandikottu (pig killers) occur as exogamous septs of Oddē.

Pandito.—Pandit or Pundit (pandita, a learned man) has been defined40 as “properly a

man learned in Sanskrit lore. The Pundit of the Supreme Court was a Hindu law-officer,
whose duty it was to advise the English Judges when needful on questions of Hindu law.
The office became extinct on the constitution of the High Court (in 1862). In the
Mahratta and Telugu countries, the word Pandit is usually pronounced Pant (in English
colloquial Punt).” In the countries noted, Pant occurs widely as a title of Brāhmans, who
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