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Learning Swift
Table of Contents
Learning Swift
Credits
About the Author
About the Reviewer
www.PacktPub.com
Support files, eBooks, discount offers, and more
Why subscribe?
Free access for Packt account holders
Preface
What this book covers
What you need for this book
Who this book is for
Conventions
Reader feedback
Customer support
Downloading the example code
Errata
Piracy
Questions
1. Introducing Swift
Defining our goals for this book
Setting up the development environment
Running our first Swift code
Understanding playgrounds
Learning with this book
Summary
2. Building Blocks – Variables, Collections, and Flow Control
Core Swift types
Constants and variables
Containers
Tuples
Arrays
Dictionaries
Swift's type system
Printing on the console
 Control flow
Conditionals
Switches
Loops
Functions
Basic functions
Parameterized functions
Functions that return values
Functions with default arguments
Bringing it all together
Summary
3. One Piece at a Time – Types, Scopes, and Projects
Structs
Types versus instances
Properties
Member and static methods
Computed properties
Reacting to property changes
Subscripts
Custom initialization
Classes
Inheriting from another class
Initialization
Overriding initializers
Required initializers
Designated and convenience initializers
Overriding methods and computed properties
Methods
Computed properties
Casting
Upcasting
Downcasting
Enumerations
Basic declaration
Testing enumeration values
Raw values
Associated values
Methods and properties
 Projects
Setting up a command-line Xcode project
Creating and using an external file
Interfacing with code from other files
File organization and navigation
Extensions
Scope
How is scope defined
Nested types
Access control
Summary
4. To Be or Not to Be – Optionals
Introducing optionals
Unwrapping an optional
Optional binding
Forced unwrapping
Nil coalescing
Optional chaining
Implicitly unwrapped optionals
Debugging optionals
The underlying implementation
Summary
5. A Modern Paradigm – Closures and Functional Programming
Functional programming philosophy
State and side effects
Declarative versus imperative code
Closures
Closures as variables
Closures as parameters
Syntactic sugar
Building blocks of functional programming in Swift
The filter function
The reduce function
The map function
The sorted function
How these affect the state and nature of code
Lazy evaluation
Curried functions
 Summary
6. Make Swift Work for You – Protocols and Generics
Protocols
Defining a protocol
Implementing a protocol
Using type aliases
Defining a generic
The generic function
The generic type
Type constraints
Protocol constraints
Where clauses for protocols
Where clauses for equality
Extending the existing generics
Enhancing arrays
Enhancing dictionaries
Putting protocols and generics to use
Generators
Sequences
Product of Fibonacci numbers under 50
Summary
7. Everything is Connected – Memory Management
How data is stored in a computer
Filesystem
Memory
Value types versus reference types
Determining a value or reference type
Behavior on assignment
Behavior on input
Capturing behavior of closure
Automatic reference counting
Object relationships
Strong relationships
Weak relationships
Unowned relationships
Strong reference cycles
Strong reference cycles between objects
Spotting
 Fixing the cycles
With closures
Spotting
Fixing
Lost objects
Between objects
With closures
Summary
8. Writing Code the Swift Way – Design Patterns and Techniques
What is a design pattern?
Behavioral patterns
The iterator pattern
The observer pattern
The callback property
The notification center
Structural patterns
The composite pattern
Hierarchies
An alternative to subclassing
The delegate pattern
Model-View-Controller
Creational patterns
A singleton/shared instance
The abstract factory pattern
Using associated values effectively
Replacing class hierarchies
Concisely representing a state
Extending system types to reduce code
Lazy properties
Avoiding unnecessary memory usage
Avoiding unnecessary processing
Localizing logic to the concerned property
Summary
9. Harnessing the Past – Understanding and Translating Objective-C
Swift's relationship with Objective-C
The history of Objective-C
Constants and variables
Value types
 Reference types
Containers
Arrays
Dictionaries
Control flow
Conditionals
Switches
Loops
Functions
Types
Structures
Enumerations
Classes
The basic class
Initializers
Properties
Methods
Inheritance
Categories
Protocols
Blocks
Projects
Header files
An implementation file
Organization
Calling Objective-C code from Swift
A bridging header
Using functions
Using types
Containers
Reference type translation
Summary
10. A Whole New World – Developing an App
Conceptualizing the app
Features
The interface
Data
Setting up the app project
 Configuring the user interface
Running the app
Allowing picture taking
Temporarily saving a photo
Populating our photo grid
Refactoring to respect Model-View-Controller
Permanently saving a photo
Summary
11. What's Next? Resources, Advice, and Next Steps
Apple's documentation
Forums and blogs
Blog posts
Forums
Prominent figures
Podcasts
Summary
Index
Learning Swift
Learning Swift
Copyright © 2015 Packt Publishing

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
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First published: June 2015

Production reference: 1250615

Published by Packt Publishing Ltd.

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ISBN 978-1-78439-250-5

www.packtpub.com
Credits
Author

Andrew J Wagner

Reviewers

Giordano Scalzo

Cory Bohon

Commissioning Editor

Sarah Crofton

Acquisition Editors

Vivek Anantharaman

Richard Brookes-Bland

Content Development Editor

Kirti Patil

Technical Editor

Mrunmayee Patil

Copy Editors

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Project Coordinator

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Proofreader
Safis Editing

Indexer

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Graphics

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Cover Work

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About the Author
Andrew J Wagner is an independent software developer who concentrates on iOS
development and backend web services and has a degree in computer engineering from
Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, New York. He has also been developing his own iOS
apps through his company, Learn Brigade LLC, since 2008 and has experience working
with and for large-scale companies and small-scale companies. He is passionate about
using computers as a creative outlet and writing software that is beautiful in
implementation, functionality, and experience.
About the Reviewer
Giordano Scalzo has been a developer since the days of the ZX Spectrum.

He worked with C++, Java, .NET, Ruby, Python, and a ton of other languages he has
forgotten the names of. After years of backend development and a hiatus from the
technical side when he worked as a project manager, he is currently a freelancer in
London where, through his company, Effective Code Ltd, he delivers code for iOS
aiming at quality and reliability.

In his spare time, when he is not crafting retro game clones for iOS, he writes his
thoughts on his blog at http://giordanoscalzo.com.

I'd like to thank my better half, Valentina, who lovingly supports me in everything I do—
without you, none of this would have been possible.

I would also like to thank my children, Mattia and Luca, who are my future and have
given me lots of smiles and hugs when I needed them.
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Preface
This book will help you get started with Swift in no time. It will help you to understand
the nuances of iOS programming not only from a conceptual point of view, but also from
an implementation perspective. This book is an invaluable resource if you are looking
forward to a dive deep into the world of iOS application programming.
What this book covers
Chapter 1, Introducing Swift, takes you through the process of installing Swift and
running your first Swift program to expose its power right away.

Chapter 2, Building Blocks – Variables, Collections, and Flow Control, introduces

you to the various built-in mechanisms Swift has to represent complex information in
expressive and accessible ways with the help of a real-world example.

Chapter 3, One Piece at a Time – Types, Scopes, and Projects, introduces the tools
necessary to more closely model the real world with code. It will teach you to define
your own custom types using structures, classes, and enumerations. It also explores the
concept of scope and access control.

Chapter 4, To Be or Not to Be – Optionals, focuses on a special and critical type in

Swift called optionals. It includes a detailed explanation of how optionals work and
how they can be used to turn a seemingly complex topic into a very intuitive concept.

Chapter 5, A Modern Paradigm – Closures and Functional Programming, introduces

you to a new way of thinking about code called functional programming. We learn how
Swift supports this technique and how we can apply it to our programs to make them
even more understandable and expressive code.

Chapter 6, Make Swift Work for You – Protocols and Generics, describes what generic
protocols are and how they can provide power and safety at the same time.

Chapter 7, Everything is Connected – Memory Management, discusses how a

computer stores information and how we can use that knowledge in combination with
some new tools in Swift, to ensure that our code remains responsive and minimizes its
effect on battery life. In this chapter, we dive deeper into the inner workings of Swift.

Chapter 8, Writing Code the Swift Way – Design Patterns and Techniques, introduces
you to the art of programming by taking you through a number of specific design patterns
that help reduce the complexity of code.

Chapter 9, Harnessing the Past – Understanding and Translating Objective-C,

develops a basic understanding of Objective-C with a focus on how it compares to
Swift. This allows you to make use of the vast resources that exist in Objective-C to
help with your Swift development.
Chapter 10, A Whole New World – Developing an App, explains the process of creating
a real-world iOS application with the help of an example.

Chapter 11, What's Next? Resources, Advice, and Next Steps, discusses how to move
forward to become the best app developer you possibly can. It will also provide you
with a list of resources you can use to continue your Swift and app development
learning process.
What you need for this book
The only thing that you need for this book is Xcode 6.3.
Who this book is for
If you are looking to build iOS or OS X apps using the most modern technology, this
book is ideal for you. Learning Swift will place you in a small developer community
that will explode in demand as the development of apps for Apple's platforms
transitions to it. You will find this book especially useful if you are new to
programming or if you are yet to develop an app for iOS or OS X.
Conventions
In this book, you will find a number of text styles that distinguish between different
kinds of information. Here are some examples of these styles and an explanation of their
meaning.

Code words in text, database table names, folder names, filenames, file extensions,
pathnames, dummy URLs, user input, and Twitter handles are shown as follows: "It
stores the text "Something Else" into a new variable called str."

A block of code is set as follows:

if invitees.count > 20 {
println("Too many people invited")
}
else if invitees.count <= 3 {
println("Not really a party")
}
else {
println("Just right")
}

New terms and important words are shown in bold. Words that you see on the screen,
for example, in menus or dialog boxes, appear in the text like this: "To view the
console, you can go to View | Assistant Editor | Assistant Editor."
Note
Warnings or important notes appear in a box like this.
Tip
Tips and tricks appear like this.
 Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
 CONFERENCE,

Royal Academy, London, April 16, 1880.

MARCUS AURELIUS.
 CONFERENCE AT THE ROYAL INSTITUTION.

MARCUS AURELIUS.
Ladies and Gentlemen,—I have accepted with great pleasure the
invitation to address you in this illustrious institution devoted to the
noblest researches of science and of true philosophy. I have
dreamed since my childhood of this island, where I have so many
friends, and which I visit so tardily.
I am a Briton of France. In our old books, England is always called
the Island of the Saints; and, in truth, all our saints of Armorican
Brittany, those saints of doubtful orthodoxy, who, if they were again
alive, would be more in harmony with us than with the Jesuits, came
from the Island of Britain. I have seen in their chapel the trough of
stone in which they crossed the sea. Of all races, the Britain race is
that which has ever taken religion the most seriously. Even when the
progress of reflection has shown us that some articles among the
catalogues of things which we have always regarded as fixed should
be modified, we never break away from the symbol under which we
have from the first approved the ideal.
For our faith is not contained in obscure metaphysical propositions: it
is in the affirmations of the heart. I have therefore chosen for my
discourse to you, not one of those subtleties which divide, but one of
those themes, dear to the soul, which bring nearer, and reconcile. I
shall speak to you of that book resplendent with the divine spirit,
that manual of submissive life which the most godly of men has left
us,—the Cæsar, Marcus Aurelius Antonine. It is the glory of
sovereigns that the most irreproachable model of virtue may be
found in their ranks, and that the most beautiful lessons of patience
and of self-control may come from a condition which one naturally
believes to be subject to all the seductions of pleasure and of vanity.

I.
The inheritance of wisdom with a throne is always rare: I find in
history but two striking examples of it,—in India, the succession of
the three Mongol emperors, Bâber, Hoomâyoon, and Akbar; at
Rome, at the head of the greatest empire that ever existed, the two
admirable reigns of Antonine the Pious and Marcus Aurelius. Of the
last two, I consider Antonine the greatest. His goodness did not lead
him into faults: he was not tormented with that internal trouble
which disturbed without ceasing the heart of his adopted son. This
strange malady, this restless study of himself, this demon of
scrupulousness, this fever of perfection, are signs of a less strong
and distinguished nature. As the finest thoughts are those which are
not written, Antonine had in this respect also a superiority over
Marcus Aurelius. But let us add that we should be ignorant of
Antonine, if Marcus Aurelius had not transmitted to us that exquisite
portrait of his adopted father, in which he seems to have applied
himself, through humility, to painting the picture of a better man
than himself.
It is he who has sketched in the first book of his "Thoughts,"—that
admirable background where the noble and pure forms of his father,
mother, grandfather, and tutors, move in a celestial light. Thanks to
Marcus Aurelius, we are able to understand how these old Roman
families, who had seen the reign of the wicked emperors, still
retained honesty, dignity, justice, the civil, and, if I may dare to say
it, the republican spirit. They lived there in admiration of Cato, of
Brutus, of Thrasea, and of the great stoics whose souls had never
bowed under tyranny. The reign of Domitian was abhorred by them.
The sages who had endured it without submission were honored as
heroes. The accession of the Antonines was only the coming to
power of the society of sages, of whose just anger Tacitus has
informed us,—a society of wise men formed by the league of all
those who had revolted against the despotism of the first Cæsars.
The salutary principle of adoption made the imperial court of the
second century a true cradle of virtue. The noble and learned Nerva,
in establishing this principle, assured the happiness of the human
race during almost a hundred years, and gave to the world the best
century of progress of which any knowledge has been preserved.
The sovereignty thus possessed in common by a group of choice
men who delegated it or shared it, according to the needs of the
moment, lost a part of that attraction which renders it so dangerous.
Men came to the throne without seeking it, but also without the
right of birth, or in any sense the divine right: men came there
understanding themselves, experienced, having been long prepared.
The empire was a civil burden which each accepted in his turn,
without dreaming of hastening the hour. Marcus Aurelius was made
emperor so young, that the idea of ruling had scarcely occurred to
him, and had not for a moment exercised its charm upon his mind.
At eight years, when he was already præsul of the Salian priests,
Hadrian remarked this sad child, and loved him for his good-nature,
his docility, and his incapability of falsehood. At eighteen years the
empire was assured to him. He awaited it patiently for twenty-two
years. The evening when Antonine, feeling himself about to die,
after having given to the tribune the watchword, Æquanimitas,
commanded the golden statue of Fortune, which was always in the
apartment of the emperor, to be borne into that of his adopted son,
he experienced neither surprise nor joy.
He had long been sated with all joys, without having tasted them:
he had seen the absolute vanity of them by the profoundness of his
philosophy.
The great inconvenience of practical life, and that which renders it
insupportable to a superior man, is, that, if one carries into it the
principles of the ideal, talents become defects; so that very often the
accomplished man is less successful in it than one who is fitted by
egotism or ordinary routine. Three or four times the virtue of Marcus
Aurelius came near being his ruin. The first fault into which it led
him was that of sharing the empire with Lucius Verus, to whom he
was under no obligation. Verus was a frivolous and worthless man.
Prodigies of goodness and delicacy were necessary in order to
prevent his committing disastrous follies. The wise emperor, earnest
and industrious, took with him in his lectica (sedan) the senseless
colleague whom he had given himself. He persisted in treating him
seriously: he never once revolted against this sorry companionship.
Like all well-bred men, Marcus Aurelius discommoded himself
continually: his manners came from a general habit of firmness and
dignity. Souls of this kind, either from respect for human nature, or
in order not to wound others, resign themselves to the appearance
of seeing no evil. Their life is a perpetual dissimulation.
According to some, he even deceived himself, since, in his intimate
intercourse with the gods, on the borders of the Granicus, speaking
of his unworthy wife, he thanked them for having given him a wife
"so amiable, so affectionate, so pure." I have shown elsewhere that
the patience, or, if one chooses, the weakness, on this point, of
Marcus Aurelius, has been somewhat exaggerated. Faustina had
faults: the greatest one was that she disliked the friends of her
husband; and, as these friends wrote history, she has paid the
penalty before posterity. But a discriminating critic has no trouble in
showing the exaggerations of the legend. Every thing indicates that
Faustina at first found happiness and love in that villa at Lorium, or
in that beautiful retreat at Lanuvium upon the highest points of the
Alban mount, which Marcus Aurelius described to his tutor Fronto as
an abode full of the purest joys. Then she became weary of too
much wisdom. Let us tell all: the beautiful sentences of Marcus
Aurelius, his austere virtue, his perpetual melancholy, might have
become tiresome to a young and capricious woman possessed of an
ardent temperament and marvellous beauty. He understood it,
suffered it, and spoke not. Faustina remained always his "very good
and very faithful wife." No one succeeded, even after her death, in
persuading him to give up this pious lie. In a bas-relief which is still
seen in the Museum of the Capitol at Rome, while Faustina is borne
to heaven by a messenger of the gods, the excellent emperor
regards her with a look full of love. It seems that at last he had
deceived himself, and forgotten all. But through what a struggle he
must have passed in order to do this! During long years, a sickness
at heart slowly consumed him. The desperate effort which was the
essence of his philosophy, this frenzy of renunciation, carried
sometimes even to sophism, concealed an immense wound at the
bottom. How necessary it must have been to bid adieu to happiness
in order to reach such an excess! No one will ever understand all
that this poor wounded heart suffered, the bitterness which that pale
face concealed, always calm, always smiling. It is true that the
farewell to happiness is the beginning of wisdom and the surest
means of finding peace. There is nothing so sweet as the return of
joy which follows the renunciation of joy; nothing so keen, so
profound, so charming, as the enchantment of the disenchanted.
Some historians, more or less imbued with that policy which believes
itself to be superior, because it is not suspected of any philosophy,
have naturally sought to prove that so accomplished a man was a
bad administrator and a mediocre sovereign. It appears, in fact, that
Marcus Aurelius sinned more than once by too much lenity. But
never was there a reign more fruitful in reforms and progress. The
public charity founded by Nerva and Trajan was admirably developed
by him. New schools were established for poor children; the
superintendents of provisions became functionaries of the first rank,
and were chosen with extreme care; while the wants of poor young
girls were cared for by the Institute of Jeunes Faustiniennes. The
principle that the state has duties in some degree paternal towards
its members (a principle which should be remembered with
gratitude, even when it has been dispensed with),—this principle, I
say, was proclaimed for the first time in the world by Trajan and his
successors. Neither the puerile pomp of Oriental kingdoms, founded
on the baseness and stupidity of men, nor the pedantic pride of the
kingdoms of the middle ages, founded on an exaggerated sentiment
for hereditary succession, and on a simple faith in the rights of
blood, could give an idea of the utterly republican sovereignty of
Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antonine, and Marcus Aurelius.
Nothing of the prince by hereditary or divine right, nothing of the
military chieftain: it was a sort of grand civil magistracy, without
resembling a court in any way, or depriving the emperor of his
private character. Marcus Aurelius, in particular, was neither much
nor little a king in the true sense of the word. His fortune was
immense, but all employed for good: his aversion for "the Cæsars,"
whom he considered as a species of Sardanapali, magnificent,
debauched, and cruel, burst out at each instant. The civility of his
manners was extreme. He gave to the Senate all its ancient
importance: when he was at Rome, he never missed a session, and
left his place only when the Consul had pronounced the formula,
"Nihil vos moramar, patres conscripti." Almost every year of his reign
he made war, and he made it well, although he found in it only
ennui. His listless campaigns against the Quadi and Marcomanni
were very well conducted: the disgust which he felt for them did not
prevent his most conscientious attention to them. It was in the
course of one of these expeditions, that, encamped on the banks of
the Granicus, in the midst of the monotonous plains of Hungary, he
wrote the most beautiful pages of the exquisite book which has
revealed his whole soul to us. It is probable, that, when very young,
he kept a journal of his secret thoughts. He inscribed there the
maxims to which he had recourse in order to fortify himself, the
reminiscences of his favorite authors, the passages of the moralists
which appealed most to him, the principles which had sustained him
through the day, sometimes the reproaches which his scrupulous
conscience addressed to him. "One seeks for himself solitary
retreats, rustic cottages, sea-shore, or mountains: like others, thou
lovest to dream of these good things. To what end, since it is
permitted to thee to retire within thy soul each hour? Man has
nowhere a more tranquil retreat, above all, if he has within himself
those things, the contemplation of which will calm him. Learn, then,
how to enjoy this retreat, and there renew thy strength. Let there be
those short fundamental maxims, which above all will give again
serenity to thy soul, and restore thee to a state in which to support
with resignation the world to which thou shouldest return."
During the sad winters of the North, this consolation became still
more necessary to him. He was nearly sixty years old: old age was
premature with him. One evening all the pictures of his pious youth
returned to his remembrance, and he passed some delicious hours in
calculating how much he owed to each one of the virtuous beings
who had surrounded him.
"Examples of my grandfather Verus,—sweetness of manners,
unchangeable patience."
"Qualities which one valued in my father, the souvenir which he has
left me,—modesty, manly character."
"To imitate the piety of my mother, her benevolence; to abstain, like
her, not only from doing evil, but from conceiving the thought of it;
to lead her frugal life, which so little resembled the habitual luxury of
the rich."
Then appeared to him, in turn, Diagnotus, who had inspired him
with a taste for philosophy, and made agreeable to his eyes the
pallet, the covering made of a simple skin, and all the apparel of
Hellenic discipline; Junius Rusticus, who taught him to avoid all
affectation of elegance in style, and loaned him the Conversations of
Epictetus; Apollonius of Chalcis, who realized the Stoic ideal of
extreme firmness and perfect sweetness; Sextus of Chaeroneia, so
grave and so good; Alexander the grammarian, who censured with
such refined politeness; Fronto, "who taught him the envy, duplicity,
and hypocrisy of a tyrant, and the hardness which may exist in the
heart of a patrician;" his brother Severus, "who made him
understand Thrasia, Helvidius, Cato, Brutus, who gave him the idea
of what a free government is, where the rule is the natural equality
of the citizens and the equality of their rights; of a royalty which
places before all else the respect for the liberty of the citizens;" and,
rising above all others in his immaculate grandeur, Antonine, his
father by adoption, whose picture he traces for us with redoubled
gratitude and love. "I thank the gods," said he finally, "for having
given me good ancestors, good parents, a good sister, good
teachers, and in my surroundings, in my relations, in my friends,
men almost all filled with goodness. I never allowed myself to be
wanting in deference towards them: from my natural disposition, I
could sometimes have shown irreverence; but the benevolence of
the gods never permitted the occasion to present itself. I am also
indebted to the gods, who preserved pure the flower of my youth,
for having been reared under the rule of a prince, and a father who
strove to free my soul from all trace of pride, to make me
understand that it is possible, while living in a palace, to dispense
with guards, with splendid clothes, with torches, with statues, to
teach me, in short, that a prince can almost contract his life within
the limits of that of a simple citizen, without, on that account,
showing less nobility and vigor when he comes to be an emperor,
and transact the affairs of state. They gave me a brother, whose
manners were a continual exhortation to watch over myself, while
his deference and attachment should have made the joy of my
heart.
"Thanks to the gods again, that I have made haste to raise those
who have cared for my education, to the honors which they seemed
to desire. They have enabled me to understand Apollonius, Rusticus,
Maximus, and have held out to me, surrounded with brilliant light,
the picture of a life conformed to nature. I have fallen short of it in
the end, it is true; but it is my fault. If my body has long supported
the rude life which I lead; if, in spite of my frequent neglect of
Rusticus, I have never overstepped the bounds, or done any thing of
which I should repent; if my mother, who died young, was able,
nevertheless, to pass her last years near me; if, whenever I have
wished to succor the poor or afflicted, money has never been
wanting; if I have never needed to accept any thing from others; if I
have a wife of an amiable, affectionate, and pure character; if I have
found many capable men for the education of my children; if, at the
beginning of my passion for philosophy, I did not become the prey of
a sophist,—it is to the gods that I owe it all. Yes, so many blessings
could only be the result of the aid of the gods and a happy fortune."
This divine candor breathes in every page. No one has ever written
more simply than did he for the sole purpose of unburdening his
heart to God, his only witness. There is not a shadow of system in it.
Marcus Aurelius, to speak exactly, had no philosophy: although he
owed almost every thing to stoicism transformed by the Roman
spirit, it is of no school. According to our idea, he has too little
curiosity; for he knows not all that a contemporary of Ptolemy and
Galen should know: he has some opinions on the system of the
world, which were not up to the highest science of his time. But his
moral thought, thus detached from all alliance with a system,
reaches a singular height. The author of the book, "The Imitation,"
himself, although free from the quarrels of the schools, does not rise
to this, for his manner of feeling is essentially Christian. Take away
his Christian dogmas, and his book retains only a portion of its
charm. The book of Marcus Aurelius, having no dogmatic base,
preserves its freshness eternally. Every one, from the atheist, or he
who believes himself one, to the man who is the most devoted to
the especial creeds of each worship, can find in it some fruits of
edification. It is the most purely human book which exists. It deals
with no question of controversy. In theology, Marcus Aurelius floats
between pure Deism, Polytheism interpreted in a physical sense
according to the manner of the Stoics, and a sort of cosmic
Pantheism. He holds not much more firmly to one hypothesis than to
the other, and he uses indiscriminately the three vocabularies of the
Deist, Polytheist, and Pantheist. His considerations have always two
sides, according as God and the soul have, or have not, reality. It is
the reasoning which we do each hour; for, if the most complete
Materialism is right, we who have believed in truth and goodness
shall be no more duped than others. If Idealism is right, we have
been the true sages, and we have been wise in the only manner
which becomes us, that is to say, with no selfish waiting, without
having looked for a remuneration.

II.

We here touch a great secret of moral philosophy and religion.

Marcus Aurelius has no speculative philosophy; his theology is utterly
contradictory; he has no idea founded upon the soul and
immortality. How could he be so moral without the beliefs that are
now regarded as the foundations of morality? how so profoundly
religious, without having professed one of the dogmas of what is
called natural religion? It is important to make this inquiry.
The doubts, which, to the view of speculative reason, hover above
the truths of natural religion, are not, as Kant has admirably shown,
accidental doubts, capable of being removed, belonging, as is
sometimes imagined, to certain conditions of the human mind.
These doubts are inherent to the nature even of these truths, if one
may say it without a paradox; and, if these doubts were removed,
the truths with which they quarrel would disappear at the same
time. Let us suppose, in short, a direct, positive proof, evident to all,
of future sufferings and rewards: where will be the merit of doing
good? They would be but fools whom gayety of heart should hasten
to damnation. A crowd of base souls would secure their salvation
without concealment: they would, in a sense, force the divine power.
Who does not see, that, in such a system, there is neither morality
nor religion? In the moral and religious order it is indispensable to
believe without demonstration. It deals not with certainty: it acts by
faith. This is what Deism forgets, with its habits of intemperate
affirmation. It forgets that creeds too precise concerning human
destiny would destroy all moral merit. For us, they would say that
we should do as did St. Louis when he was told of the miraculous
wafer,—we should refuse to see it. What need have we of these
brutal proofs which trammel our liberty?
We should fear to become assimilated to those speculators in virtue,
or those vulgar cowards, who mingle with spiritual things the gross
selfishness of practical life. In the days which followed the belief in
the resurrection of Jesus, this sentiment was manifested in the most
touching manner. The faithful in heart, the sensitive ones, preferred
to believe without seeing. "Blessed are they that have not seen, and
yet have believed," became the word for the time. Charming words!
Eternal symbol of tender and generous Idealism, which has a horror
of touching with the hands that which should only be seen with the
heart!
Our good Marcus Aurelius, on this point as on all others, was in
advance of the ages. He never cared to argue with himself
concerning God and the soul. As if he had read the "Criticism of
Practical Reason," he saw clearly, that, where the Infinite is
concerned, no formula is absolute; and that, in such matters, one
has no chance of seeing the truth during his life, without much self-
contradiction. He distinctly separates moral beauty from all
theoretical theology. He allows duty to depend on no metaphysical
opinion of the First Cause. The intimate union with an unseen god
was never carried to a more unheard-of delicacy. "To offer to the
government of God that which is within thee,—a strong being
ripened by age, a friend of the public good, a Roman, an emperor, a
soldier at his post awaiting the signal of the trumpet, a man ready to
quit life without regret." "There are many grains of incense destined
to the same altar: one falls sooner, the other later, in the fire; but
the difference is nothing." "Man should live according to nature
during the few days that are given him on the earth, and, when the
moment of leaving it comes, should submit himself sweetly, as an
olive, which, in falling, blesses the tree which has produced it, and
renders thanks to the branch which has borne it." "All that which
thou arrangest is suited to me, O Cosmos! Nothing of that which
comes from thee is premature or backward to me. I find my fruit in
that which thy seasons bear, O Nature! From thee comes all; in thee
is all; to thee all returns." "O man! thou hast been a citizen in the
great city: what matters it to thee to have remained three or five
years? That which is governed by laws is unjust for no one. What is
there, then, so sorrowful in being sent from the city, not by a tyrant,
not by an unjust judge, but by the same nature which allowed thee
to enter there? It is as if a comedian is discharged from the theatre
by the same prætor who engaged him. But wilt thou say, 'I have not
played the five acts; I have played but three?' Thou sayest well; but
in life three acts suffice to complete the entire piece.... Go, then,
content, since he who dismisses thee is content."
Is this to say that he never revolted against the strange fate which
leaves man alone face to face with the needs of devotion, of
sacrifice, of heroism, and nature with its transcendent immorality, its
supreme disdain for virtue? No. Once at least the absurdity, the
colossal iniquity, of death, strikes him. But soon his temperament,
completely mortified, resumes its power, and he becomes calm.
"How happens it that the gods, who have ordered all things so well,
and with so much love for men, should have forgotten one thing
only; that is, that men of tried virtue, who during their lives have
had a sort of interchange of relations with divinity, who have made
themselves loved by it on account of their pious acts and their
sacrifices, live not after death, but may be extinguished forever?
"Since it is so, be sure, that, if it should be otherwise, they (the
gods) would not have failed; for, if it had been just, it would have
been possible; if it had been suitable to nature, nature would have
permitted it. Consequently, when it is not thus, strengthen thyself in
this consideration, that it was not necessary that it should be thus.
Thou thyself seest plainly that to make such a demand is to dispute
his right with God. Now, we would not thus contend with the gods if
they were not absolutely good and absolutely just: if they are so,
they have allowed nothing to make a part of the order of the world
which is contrary to justice and right."
Ah! is it too much resignation, ladies and gentlemen? If it is veritably
thus, we have the right to complain. To say, that, if this world has
not its counterpart, the man who is sacrificed to truth or right ought
to leave it content, and absolve the gods,—that is too naïve. No, he
has a right to blaspheme them. For, in short, why has his credulity
been thus abused? Why should he have been endowed with
deceitful instincts, of which he has been the honest dupe?
Wherefore is this premium given to the frivolous or wicked man? Is
it, then, he who is not deceived who is the wise man? Then cursed
be the gods who so adjudge their preferences! I desire that the
future may be an enigma; but, if there is no future, then this world
is a frightful ambuscade. Take notice that our wish is not that of the
vulgar clown. We wish not to see the chastisement of the culpable,
nor to meddle with the interests of our virtue. Our wish has no
selfishness: it is simply to be, to remain in accord with light, to
continue the thought we have begun, to know more of it, to enjoy
some day that truth which we seek with so much labor, to see the
triumph of the good which we have loved. Nothing is more
legitimate. The worthy emperor, moreover, was also sensible of it:
"What! the light of a lamp burns until the moment in which it is
extinguished, and loses nothing of its brilliancy, and the truth,
justice, temperance, which are in thee shall be extinguished with
thee!" All his life was passed in this noble hesitation. If he sinned, it
was through too much piety. Less resigned, he would have been
more just; for surely to demand that there should be an intimate
and sympathetic witness of the struggles which we endure for
goodness and truth is not to ask too much.
It is possible, also, that if his philosophy had been less exclusively
moral, if it had implied a more curious study of history and of the
universe, it would have escaped a certain excessive rigor. Like the
ascetic Christians, Marcus Aurelius sometimes carried renunciation to
dryness and subtlety. One feels that this calmness, which never
belies itself, is obtained through an immense effort. Certainly, evil
had never an attraction for him: he had no passion to struggle
against. "Whatever one may do or say," writes he, "it is necessary
that I should be a good man; as the emerald might say, 'Whatever
one may say or do, I must remain an emerald, and retain my color.'"
But, in order to hold one's self always upon the icy summit of
stoicism, it is necessary to do cruel violence to nature, and to cut
away from it more than one noble element. This perpetual repetition
of the same reasoning, the thousand figures under which he seeks
to represent to himself the vanity of all things, these frequently
artless proofs of universal frivolity, testify to strifes which he has
passed through in order to extinguish all desire in himself. At times
we find in it something harsh and sad. The reading of Marcus
Aurelius strengthens, but it does not console: it leaves a void in the
soul which is at once cruel and delightful, which one would not
exchange for full satisfaction. Humility, renunciation, severity
towards self, were never carried further. Glory—that last illusion of
great souls—is reduced to nothingness. It is needful to do right
without disturbing one's self as to whether any one knows that we
do it. He perceives that history will speak of him: he sometimes
dreams of the men of the past with whom the future will associate
him. "If they have only played the part of tragic actors," said he, "no
one has condemned me to imitate them." The absolute mortification
at which he had arrived had destroyed the last fibre of self-love in
him.
The consequences of this austere philosophy might have been
hardness and obstinacy. It is here that the rare goodness of the
nature of Marcus Aurelius shines out in its full brilliancy. His severity
is only for himself. The fruit of this great tension of soul is an infinite
benevolence. All his life was a study of how to return good for evil.
At evening, after some sad experience of human perversity, he wrote
only as follows: "If thou canst, correct them; on the other hand,
remember that thou shouldest exercise benevolence towards those
who have been given to thee. The gods themselves are benevolent
to men: they aid them,—so great is their goodness!—to acquire
health, riches, glory. Thou art permitted to be like the gods."
Another day, some one was very wicked; for see what he wrote
upon his tablets: "Such is the order of nature: men of this sort must
act thus from necessity. To wish it to be otherwise is to wish that the
fig-tree shall bear no figs. Remember, thou, in one word, this thing:
in a very short time thou and he will die; soon after, your names
even will be known no more." The thoughts of a universal pardon
recur without ceasing. At times a scarcely perceptible smile is
mingled with this charming goodness,—"The best method of
avenging one's self upon the wicked is not to be like them;" or a
light stroke of pride,—"It is a royal thing to hear evil said of one's
self when one does right." One day he thus reproached himself:
"Thou hast forgotten," said he, "what holy relationship unites each
man to the human race,—a relationship not of blood, or of birth, but
the participation in the same intelligence. Thou hast forgotten that
the reasoning power of each one is a god, derived from the Supreme
Being."
In the business of life he was always exact, although a little
ingenuous, as very good men usually are. The nine reasons for
forbearance which he valued for himself (book xi. art. 18) show us
his charming good-nature before family troubles, which perhaps
came to him through his unworthy son. "If, upon occasion," said he
to himself, "thou exhortest him quietly, and shalt give to him without
anger some lessons like these,—'No, my child; we are born for each
other. It is not I who suffer the evil, it is thou who doest it thyself,
my child!'—show him adroitly, by a general consideration, that such
is the rule; that neither the bees, nor the animals who live naturally
in herds, resemble him. Say this without mockery or insult, with an
air of true affection, with a heart which is not excited by anger; not
as a pedant, not for the sake of being admired by those who are
present; think only of him."
Commodus (if it was for him that he thus acted) was, without doubt,
little touched by this good paternal rhetoric. One of the maxims of
the excellent emperor was, that the wicked are unhappy, that one is
only wicked in spite of himself, and through ignorance. He pitied
those who were not like himself: he did not believe that he had the
right to obtrude himself upon them.
He well understood the baseness of men; but he did not avow it.
This willing blindness is the defect of choice spirits. The world not
being all that they could wish, they lie to themselves in order not to
see it as it is. From thence arises an expediency in their judgments.
In Marcus Aurelius, this expediency sometimes provokes us a little. If
we wished to believe him, his instructors, several of whom were men
of mediocrity, were, without exception, superior men. One would say
that every one near him had been virtuous. This is carried to such a
point, that one is forced to ask if the brother for whom he
pronounces such a grand eulogy in his thanks to the gods was not
his adopted brother, Lucius Verus. It is certain that the good
emperor was capable of strong illusions when he undertook to lend
to others his own virtues.
This quality, expressed as an ancient opinion, especially by the pen
of the Emperor Julian, caused him to commit an enormous error,
which was that of not disinheriting Commodus. This is one of those
things which it is easy to say at a distance, when there are no
obstacles present, and when one reasons without facts. It is
forgotten at first that the emperors, who, after Nerva, made
adoption so fruitful a political system, had no sons. Adoption, with
the exheredation of the son or grandson, occurred in the first
century of the empire without good results. Marcus Aurelius was
evidently from principle in favor of direct inheritance, in which he
saw the advantage of the prevention of competition.
After the birth of Commodus, in 161, he presented him alone to the
people, although he had a twin-brother: he frequently took him in
his arms and renewed this act, which was a sort of proclamation. In
166 Lucius Verus demanded that the two sons of Marcus,
Commodus and Annius Verus, should be made Cæsars. In 172
Commodus shared with his father the title of Germanicus. In 173,
after the repression of the revolt of Avidius, the Senate, in order to
recognize in some way the family disinterestedness which Marcus
Aurelius had shown, demanded by acclamation the empire and the
tribunitial power for Commodus.
Already the natural wickedness of the latter had betrayed itself by
more than one symptom known to his tutors; but how shall one
foresee the future from a few naughty acts of a child of twelve
years? In 176-177 his father made him Imperator, Consul, Augustus.
This was certainly an imprudence; but he was bound by his previous
acts: Commodus, moreover, still restrained himself. In later years,
the evil completely revealed itself. On each page of the last books of
the "Thoughts," we see the trace of the martyr within the excellent
father, of the accomplished emperor, who saw a monster growing up
beside him, ready to succeed him, and to take in every thing
through antipathy, the opposite course from that which he had
believed to be for the good of men. The thought of disinheriting
Commodus must, without doubt, have come often to Marcus
Aurelius. But it was too late. After having associated him in the
empire, after having so many times proclaimed him to the legions as
perfect and accomplished, to come before the world and declare him
to be unworthy would be a scandal. Marcus was caught in his own
phrases, by that style of benevolent expediency which was too
habitual with him. And, after all, Commodus was only seventeen
years old: who could be sure that he would not reform? Even after
the death of Marcus Aurelius this was hoped for. Commodus at first
showed the intention of following the counsels of meritorious
persons with whom his father had surrounded him.
The reproach which is made, then, against Marcus Aurelius, is not
that of not having, but of having, a son. It was not his fault if the
age could not support so much wisdom. In philosophy, the great
emperor had placed the ideal of virtue so high, that no one would
care to follow him. In politics, his benevolent optimism had
enfeebled the state services, above all, the army. In religion, in order
not to be too much bound by a religion of the state, of which he saw
the weakness, he prepared the great triumph of the non-official
worship, and left a reproach to hover above his memory,—unjust, it
is true; but even its shadow should not be found in so pure a life.
We touch here upon one of the most delicate points in the biography
of Marcus Aurelius. It is unhappily certain, that, under his reign,
Christians were condemned to death, and executed. The policy of
his predecessors had been firm in this particular. Trajan, Antonine,
Hadrian himself, saw in the Christians a secret sect, anti-social,
dreaming of overturning the empire. Like all men true to the old
Roman principles, they believed in the necessity of repressing them.
There was no need of special edicts: the laws against the cœtus
illiciti, the illicita collegia, were numerous. The Christians fell in the
most explicit sense under the force of these laws. Truly, it would
have been worthy of the wise emperor who introduced so many
reforms full of humanity, to suppress the edicts which entailed such
cruel and unjust consequences. But it is necessary to observe
primarily, that the true spirit of liberty, as we understand it, was not
then understood by any one; and that Christianity, when it was
master, practised it no more than the Pagan emperors. In the second
place, the abrogation of the laws against illicit societies would have
been the ruin of the empire, founded essentially upon the principle
that the state ought not to admit within its bosom any society
differing from it. The principle was bad, according to our ideas: it is
very certain, at least, that it was the corner-stone in the Roman
constitution. Marcus Aurelius, far from exaggerating it, extenuated it
with all his powers; and one of the glories of his reign is the
extension of the right of association. However, he did not go to the
root: he did not completely abolish the laws against the collegia
illicita, and in the provinces there resulted from them some
processes infinitely to be regretted. The reproach which can be
made against him is the same that might be made to the rulers of
our day, who do not suppress with a stroke of the pen all the laws
restrictive of the liberties of re-union, of association, and of the
press.
From the distance at which we stand, we can see that Marcus
Aurelius, in being more completely liberal, would have been wiser.
Perhaps Christianity left free would have developed in a manner less
disastrous the theocratic and absolute principle which was in it; but
one cannot reproach a man with not having stirred up a radical
revolution on account of a prevision of what would occur several
centuries after him. Trajan, Hadrian, Antonine, Marcus Aurelius,
could not know the principles of general history and political
economy which have been understood only in our time, and which
only our last revolutions could reveal. In any case, the mansuetude
of the good emperor was in this respect shielded from all reproach.
No one has the right to be more exacting in this respect than was
Tertullian. "Consult your annals," said he to the Roman magistrates.
"You will then see that the princes who have been severe towards us
are of those who have held to the honor of having been our
persecutors. On the contrary, all the princes who have respected
divine and human laws include but one who persecuted the
Christians. We can even name one of them who declared himself
their protector,—the wise Marcus Aurelius. If he did not openly
revoke the edicts against our brethren, he destroyed their power by
the severe penalties which he declared against their accusers." It is
necessary to remember that the Roman Empire was ten or twelve
times as large as France, and that the responsibility of the emperor
was very little in the judgments which were rendered in the
provinces. It is necessary, moreover, to recall the fact that
Christianity claimed not only the liberty of worship: all the creeds
which tolerated each other were allowed much freedom in the
empire. Christianity and Judaism were the exceptions to this rule on
account of their intolerance and spirit of exclusion.
We have, then, good reason to mourn sincerely for Marcus Aurelius.
Under him philosophy reigned. One moment, thanks to him, the
world was governed by the best and greatest man of his age.
Frightful decadences followed; but the little casket which contained
the "Thoughts" on the banks of the Granicus was saved. From it
came forth that incomparable book in which Epictetus was
surpassed, that Evangel of those who believe not in the
supernatural, which has not been comprehended until our day.
Veritable, eternal Evangel, the book of "Thoughts," which will never
grow old, because it asserts no dogma. The virtue of Marcus
Aurelius, like our own, rests upon reason, upon nature. St. Louis was
a very virtuous man, because he was a Christian: Marcus Aurelius
was the most godly of men, not because he was a Pagan, but
because he was a gifted man. He was the honor of human nature,
and not of an established religion. Science may yet destroy, in
appearance, God and the immortal soul; but the book of the
"Thoughts" will still remain young with life and truth.
The religion of Marcus Aurelius is the absolute religion, that which
results from the simple fact of a high moral conscience placed face
to face with the universe. It is of no race, neither of any country. No
revolution, no change, no discovery, will have power to affect it.
Transcriber's Notes.

page 32: "Pysche" changed to "Psyche"

page 34: missing word "it" added to the phrase:
"if it had been announced"
page 54: "apochryphal" changed to "apocryphal"
page 95: "Judean" changed to "Judæan" and "Judæan" (2 instances)
page 109: "Mithracism" changed to "Mithraicism"
page 126: words re-arranged:
"the be strongest" changed to "be the strongest"
page 150: "ctizens" changed to "citizens"
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ENGLISH
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