CHAPTER I

1. INTRODUCTION AND METHODOLOGY

1.1 INTRODUCTION

According to a Pentecostal scholar William Kay, “[P]entecostalism is a renewal

movement within Christianity.”1 Modern Pentecostalism is dated to early 20 th century.2 Since
then it has become a significant force in the world today. According to David Barrett and Todd
Johnson, in the year 2003, there were 500 million Pentecostals 3 worldwide4 and were found in
almost all countries.5 With its widespread appeal among the common public and posing
challenges to the historical traditional Protestant Churches and the Roman Catholic Church, the
Pentecostal churches were growing at a rapid speed. 6 The malleable and adaptable nature of
Pentecostalism had gained its momentum into various societies and cultures. As of 2001,
Pentecostals were found in 9,000 ethno-linguistic cultures speaking 8,000 languages. 7 For Allan
Anderson, eschatological, missionary, polycentric and transnational nature of Pentecostalism was
the reason for the reach of Pentecostalism among half a billion people within a span of a

1
William K Kay, Pentecostalism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2011), 1.
2
Cf. Ibid., 3. (ibid., is used when similar reference is used immediately and shorter version of reference is used
when same footnote is repeated elsewhere)
3
Pentecostals in this statistics include Classical Pentecostals from Azusa Street revival, Charismatic Pentecostals
from Mainline Traditional Churches and Roman Catholic Church and Neo-Pentecostals from Indigenous and
Independent Pentecostal Churches.
4
As quoted by Allan H Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2004), 1.
5
Cf. Anderson, Ibid., 1.
6
Cf. Richard Shaull and Waldo Cesar, Pentecostalism and the Future of the Christian Churches: Promises,
Limitations, Challenges (Cambridge: Williams B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2000), 5.
7
Cf. As quoted by Shaibu Abraham, Pentecostal Theology of Liberation: Holy Spirit & Holiness in the Society
(New Delhi: Christian World Imprints, 2014), 6.

1
century.8 It grew to the extent where scholars stated that the globalization of Christianity meant
the globalization of Pentecostalism.9

According to Sarbeswar Sahoo, a Professor of sociology in IIT Delhi, “[I]n India today,
Pentecostalism is the fastest growing religion.” 10 Indian Pentecostalism is identified as the fifth
largest sector in global Christianity.11 People from various ethnicities, castes and classes have
embraced Pentecostalism.12 The reason for its spread in India is its appeal to the poor,
marginalized and neglected sections of the society. According to V.V. Thomas, in Kerala, “[A]
majority of the people who were attracted to this (Pentecostal) movement in its early period
seemed to have been from the Dalit background… The Dalits found the movement appealing to
their aspirations in life and began responding to the movement.” 13 Shaibu Abraham points out
the words of Julio de Santa Ana at the Ecumenical Association of Third World Theologians
(EATWOT) conference in Bossey as “Liberation theology has called for an option for the poor,
but the poor have opted for Pentecostalism.”14 Though the words seem to indict liberation
theology, they show Pentecostalism’s appeal among the poor. In this context, the present study
aims to explore how poor slum dwellers in Chennai construct their socio-cultural life after their
conversion to Pentecostalism.

Though the researcher agrees with scholars in identifying Pentecostalism as the religion
of the poor, the researcher does not deny the fact that Pentecostalism is equally appealing to the
8
Cf. Allan H Anderson, To the End of the Earth: Pentecostalism and the Transformation of World Christianity
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), 1.
9
Cf. Pradip Ninan Thomas, Strong Religion, Zealous Media: Christian Fundamentalism and Communication in
India (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2008), 56.
10
Sarbeswar Shaoo, Pentecostalism and Politics of Conversion in India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2018), 28.
11
Cf. T. Sagayaraj, “Perceptions of Catholics on Contemporary Pentecostalism: An Empirical Study in the
Seventeen Catholic Dioceses of Tamilnadu” (Unpublished PhD diss. manuscript; Chennai: Department of Christian
Studies, University of Madras, 2014), 2.
12
Cf. Shaibu Abraham, The History of the Pentecostal Movement in North India: Unfolding its Social &
Theological Contexts (New Delhi: Christian World Imprints, 2017), 1.
13
V.V. Thomas, Dalit Pentecostalism: Spirituality of the Empowered Poor (Bangalore: Asian Trading Corporation,
2008), 1-3.
14
As quoted by Abraham, Pentecostal Theology of Liberation, 7.

2
middle and upper middle-class people in the Indian context, resulting in the formation of
megachurches. But as Indian slums have distinctive features and the local variant of
Pentecostalism is presented in slums, this microscopic study focuses on Pentecostalism in the
context of the slum reality of Chennai.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

In the Brazilian context, Andrew Chesnut says “… other Christian churches have had to
‘Pentecostalize’ to survive the fierce competition of the new religious marketplace in
Brazil.”15Allan Anderson et al state that Pentecostalism has reshaped the face of Christianity and
is enriched with a rich and varied repertoire of doctrines, rituals, strategies and organizations. 16
Even in the Indian context it impacts upon the mainline Protestant churches and Roman Catholic
Church and shapes the functions and understanding of mission in those churches. But such a
vibrant movement has not been sufficiently explored in Indian academia.17 According to a
theologian and scholar of religious studies Michael Bergunder, “[D]espite its numerical strength
and its hundred years of history, Indian Pentecostalism has remained rather invisible in the
academic writings of Christianity in India.”18 In a similar line, Rebecca Samuel Shah and
Timothy Samuel Shah, who have explored Pentecostalism in slums in Bangalore, say “[T]here is
a dearth of literature on Pentecostalism in India.” 19 Only recently scholars such as Michael
Bergunder, Nathaniel Roberts, Sarbeswar Sahoo, Chad M. Bauman, Yabbeju Rapaka, Wessly
Lukose, V.V. Thomas and Shaibu Abraham have attempted to address the lacuna in the
academic knowledge of Indian Pentecostalism. Bergunder, Rapaka, Thomas, Lukose and
Abraham have attempted to explore the historiography of Pentecostalism in their respective

15
R. Andrew Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and Pathogens of Poverty (New Jersey: Rutgers
University Press, 1997), 3.
16
Cf. Allan Anderson, et al., “Introduction,” to Studying Global Pentecostalism: Theories + Methods, ed. Allan
Anderson, et al., (London: University of California Press, 2010), 1.
17
Cf. A.C. George, “Pentecostal Beginnings in India,” Dharma Deepika 6 (2) (July-December 2002): 41.
18
Michael Bergunder, The South Indian Pentecostal Movements in the Twentieth Century (UK: William B.
Eerdmans Publishers, 2008), 14.
19
Rebecca Samuel Shah and Timothy Samuel Shah, “Pentecost amid Pujas: Charismatic Christianity and Dalit
Women in Twenty-First-Century India,” in Global Pentecostalism in the 21st Century, ed. Robert W. Hefner
(Indiana: Indiana University Press, 2013), 196.

3
regions.20 Rapaka and Thomas have adopted a Dalit perspective while Lukose has adopted a
missiological perspective. Bauman has explored Pentecostalism in relation to anti-Christian
violence while Roberts and Sahoo have explored Pentecostalism’s interaction with the slum
community and tribal community respectively.21 Along with the above mentioned scholars, the
present study aims to address the lacuna in the Pentecostal academic studies in the Indian context
by exploring the socio-cultural impact of Pentecostalism among Pentecostal living in slums in
Chennai.

1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH

The study aims,

 To explore some aspects of the Social Impact of Pentecostalism among Pentecostals

living in Chennai Slums.
 To explore some aspects of the Cultural Impact of Pentecostalism among Pentecostals
living in Chennai Slums.
 To interpret how Pentecostals in selected slums of Chennai construct their self-identity,
and their family and social relations in and through Pentecostalism.

1.4 CLARIFICATION OF TERMS

1.4.1 PENTECOSTALS

Scholars like Allan Anderson and Douglas Jacobsen opine that defining Pentecostalism
and Pentecostals is problematic as the movement consists of huge diversities.22 Walter

20
Cf. Bergunder, The South Indian Pentecostal; Yabbeju Rapaka, Dalit Pentecostalism: A study of the Indian
Pentecostal Church of God, 1932 to 2010 (USA: Emeth Press, 2013); Thomas, Dalit Pentecostalism; Abraham, The
History of the Pentecostal Movement; Wessly Lukose, Contextual Missiology of the Spirit: Pentecostalism in
Rajasthan, India (Eugene: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2013).
21
Cf. Chad M. Bauman, Pentecostals, Proselytization, and Anti-Christian Violence in Contemporary India (New
York: Oxford University Press, 2015); Nathaniel Roberts, To Be Cared For: The Power of Conversion and
Foreignness of Belonging in an Indian Slum (New Delhi: Navayana Publication, 2016); Sahoo, Pentecostalism and
Politics.
22
Cf. Douglas Jacobsen, A Reader in Pentecostal Theology: Voices from the First Generation (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 2006), 2; Allan H Anderson, “Varieties, Taxonomies and Definitions,” in Studying Global

4
Hollenweger presents three types of Pentecostals as follows: classical Pentecostals who belong to
churches that emerged out of Azusa Street revival, the Charismatic renewal movements who
belong to mainline churches but practice spiritual gifts and “Pentecostal-like” independent
churches who belong to indigenous churches. 23 Following Hollenweger, several scholars come
out with new taxonomies and definitions to understand Pentecostalism and Pentecostals. As
defining Pentecostals is problematic, Allan Anderson in his book on An Introduction to
Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity adopts the word “Pentecostal” as an umbrella
term which includes all churches and movements that emphasize the working of the gifts of the
Holy Spirit.24 In a similar line, the present study uses the word “Pentecostal” to indigenous,
independent churches and classical Pentecostal churches found in slums in Chennai.

1.4.2 SLUM

The Slum Areas (Improvement and Clearance) Act, 1956, defines a slum as (a) Areas
where buildings are in any respect unfit for human habitation; or (b) are by reasons of
dilapidation, overcrowding, faulty arrangement and design of such buildings, narrowness or
faulty arrangement of streets, lack of ventilation, light or sanitation facilities, or any combination
of these factors, are detrimental to safety, health or morals.25

1.4.3 PENTECOSTAL CONVERSION

Generally, religious conversion is understood as the change from one religious affiliation
to another religion. In the Indian context, studies on conversion or the reason for conversion have
been highly focused from socio-political perspectives.26 But Joshua Iyadurai in his book
Transformative Religious Experience: A Phenomenological Understanding of Religious

Pentecostalism: Theories + Methods, ed. Allan H Anderson, et al., (London: University of California Press, 2010),
14.
23
Cf. As pointed out by Anderson, “Varieties, Taxonomies and Definitions,” 16.
24
Cf. Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism, 13-14.
25
Cf. http://delhishelterboard.in/main/wp-content/uploads/2011/12/SLUMACT_14FEB17.pdf (Assessed on
15/02/2020).
26
Cf. Joshua Iyadurai, Transformative Religious Experience: A Phenomenological Understanding of Religious
Conversion (Chennai: Marina Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies in Religion, 2017), 02.

5
Conversion, argues that ‘divine-human encounter’ acts as the basis for religious conversion
where the encounter triggers the consciousness of sin. 27 A similar understanding of conversion
can also be found in the South Indian Pentecostal Movement. According to Bergunder, “[T]he
conception of conversion follows in principle evangelical teaching according to which
conviction of sin28 and individual experience of rebirth29 are essential.... Christian rebirth must
be publicly attested by immersion baptism.” 30 As an individual divine experience, the conviction
of sin and immersion baptism forms the basis for conversion to Pentecostalism, conversion does
not only imply conversion from one religious tradition to Pentecostalism, it also includes
individuals from other Christian denominations and within Pentecostalism. Even when a person
is born in the Christian (Catholic or other Protestant Churches) family or Pentecostal family,
he/she should undergo the process of individual religious experience, the conviction of sins and
immersion baptism to be called as a Pentecostal convert. Hence in the present study, the
Pentecostals who had religious affiliation in Catholic Christianity and Protestant Christianity are
considered as converts to Pentecostalism. Likewise, a person is considered to be Pentecostal only
after immersion baptism, even though he/she has been born in a Pentecostal family. Hence, for
such persons, their pre-religious affiliation is considered to be Pentecostal Christianity as they
are born to a Pentecostal family.

1.4.4 PENTECOSTAL REVIVAL

Encyclopedia Britannica states revivalism as renewed religious fervour within a Christian

group in the Christian tradition.31 In the European context, the revival was manifested in the
form of deeper spiritual experience, followed by active evangelism.32 Similarly, Pentecostal

27
Cf. Ibid., 02.
28
Conviction of sin refers to the realisation that he/she has a sinful nature and had done sins in his/her life.
29
The phase “individual experience of rebirth” or “born again experience” is popularly used in the Protestant
Christianity, to signify that a person has been newly born in Christian faith and has established a personal
relationship with God.
30
Bergunder, The South Indian Pentecostal, 138 and 140.
31
Cf. https://www.britannica.com/topic/revivalism-Christianity (Assessed on 15/02/2020).
32
Cf. Ibid.,

6
revival is marked by ecstatic experiences such as ‘speaking in tongues’ (glossolalia), visions,
exorcism, prophecy and so on, followed by active evangelism. Hence in the present study, the
revival is understood as the renewed religious fervour with above-mentioned ecstatic experiences
and evangelism.

1.4.5 IMPACT

The Chambers Dictionary defines impact as “the impulse resulting from a new idea or
theory.”33 The present study explores the impact in terms of “perceptions of changes” brought by
Pentecostalism. The impact of Pentecostalism is understood as the changes caused or influenced
by Pentecostal teachings, values, life-patterns and norms in the lives of Pentecostals living in
slums in Chennai.

1.5 REVIEW OF LITERATURE

The purpose of the review of literature was to explore the existing literatures in the area
of enquiry, to identify significant authors, concepts and earlier findings and to identify the
research gap in the academic knowledge in the area of enquiry. 34 With the above purpose in
mind, the researcher explored Pentecostal literatures and studied authored books, edited books
and journals. Literatures were chosen on the basis of their relevance to social and cultural
aspects. In the following section, a summary of the materials reviewed are presented along with
their relevance to the present study.

Nathaniel Roberts, in his book on To Be Cared For: The Power of Conversion and
Foreignness of Belonging in an Indian Slum,35 deals with Christian and Hindu understandings of
the practice of faith in Chennai slums. This is an ethnographic study that was undertaken in a
slum in North Chennai, which the author pseudonymously calls Anbu Nagar. The author
presents the idea of “slum religion” where Christians and Hindus in Anbu Nagar share a
common conceptual and practical understanding of God, humans and the relationship between

33
The chambers dictionary, (New Delhi: Allied Chambers (India) Ltd., 2000), s.v. “Impact.”
34
Cf. Anol Bhattacherjee, “Social Science Research: Principles, Methods, and Practices,” in Textbooks Collection.
Book 3 (2012), 30. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/oa_textbooks/3
35
Cf. Roberts, To Be Cared For.

7
them. He argues that both Christians and Hindus in Anbu Nagar share a common understanding
of morality and that their morality is considered to be universal. This morality is affected by the
practice of money lending and problems in marital relationships. Slum Christianity, as argued by
the author, ameliorates the tensions in these fault lines and addresses the issues of women. It
strengthens the slum as a moral community through its sermons, though not as a new idea but
carries the implication for a better community. This study has helped the researcher to
understand the life-world of slum dwellers in Chennai that has further helped the researcher to
construct the research objectives, formulate questionnaire and interview questions. However, the
present study fills the areas which have not been explored in the above study, and generates data
beyond the above study. The above study is conducted in a slum where the majority are Dalits
whereas the present study includes Dalits, non-Dalits, and migrants and explores
Pentecostalism’s impact in the practice of caste. The above study has shown that Pentecostalism
addresses women issues in the marital relationship by preparing women through voluntarily
acceptance of suffering while the present study intends to go beyond the above study to explore
how accepting suffering voluntarily has impacted the family relationships especially on the lives
of their husbands. The present study also intends to explore that which the above study has not
explored such as inter-caste marriage, inter-religious marriage, attendance in inter-religious
functions and cultural aspects.

The above author, in a chapter of an edited book, titled “Transformation and the
Suffering Subject: Caste-Class and Gender in Slum Pentecostal Discourse,” 36 interprets women
discourse in the sermons of slum pastors in relation to caste and marital relations. Slum pastors
address exploitation and exclusion caused by caste discrimination and issues of married women
who are held responsible for the breakdown or collapse of a family, which generally were not
under their control. Caste in the slum discourse is understood as the relationship between the rich
and the poor as an oppressor and oppressed. For slum Hindus, caste is static, inevitable and
unchangeable while slum Christians propose a revolutionary dream through a divine agency
where God brings justice into society and uplifts the poor, the so-called Dalit. In the area of

36
Cf. Nathaniel Roberts, “Transformation and the Suffering Subject: Caste-Class and Gender in Slum Pentecostal
Discourse,” in Dalit Women: Vanguard of an Alternative Politics in India, ed. S. Anandhi and Karin Kapadia
(London & New York: Routledge, 2017), 279-304.

8
marital relationship, the suffering spirituality of Jesus and heavenly bride are highly proposed by
slums pastors and practised by slum women. Women are directed to consider and look up to their
heavenly husband Jesus when the earthly husband fails. This concept of heavenly husband does
not displace the earthly family rather it strengthens the family and stresses the importance of the
earthly family. This chapter has helped the researcher to understand how Pentecostal sermon
shaped caste and family relations.

Rebecca Samuel Shah and Timothy Samuel Shah, in a chapter of a book titled,
“Pentecost amid Pujas: Charismatic Christianity and Dalit Women in Twenty-First-Century
India,”37 explore how poor Dalit women living in Bangalore slums make use of Pentecostalism
to construct their identity through Pentecostal faith and practice. This study was undertaken at
three slums of Bangalore namely Baglur, New Lingarajapuram and Williams Town, and
participants were drawn from Hinduism, Islam, Pentecostal, Catholic and Protestant
Christianities to have a better understanding of the impact of Pentecostalism in the lives of Dalit
women. The authors argue that though Pentecostal women do not have schooling, they equip
themselves in Bible reading and memorizing verses which gives them courage and ability to
cope with day-to-day challenges such as domestic violence, abuse, unemployment, depression
and poverty. In times of distress, they read scriptures and proclaim their faith that God is with
them. The authors further argue that Dalit Pentecostal women gain respect and are treated
equally with others. Pentecostal women also gain control over their spending pattern and spend
their money on buying home wares such as sewing machine, refrigerator, washing machine, and
for their business or family welfare. They invest their money by buying jewels as a mode of
saving to be used in future for their daughters’ marriages. The authors conclude that Dalit
women find a new identity, new confidence, new self-assurance, a better life and the feeling of
being respected and loved in a new way in Pentecostalism. This chapter has helped the
researcher to understand how Pentecostalism has facilitated women in Bangalore slums and in
constructing a questionnaire on certain aspects.

37
Cf. Shah and Shah, “Pentecost amid Pujas,” 194-222.

9
 Laszla Foszto and Denes Kiss, in an article on “Pentecostalism in Romania: The Impact
of Pentecostal Communities on the Life-Style of the Members,”38 deal with the spread of
Pentecostalism in Romania and its impact in lifestyle. This is an ethnographic case study in
urban and rural contexts and has made use of participant observation, observations of events and
semi-structured interview methods for data collection. The authors state that religious
movements practice either “culturally sensitive approach” or “culturally neutral approach” in a
society. The culturally sensitive approach develops a theory of cultural systems and attributes
cultural values to the ideas and practice of the specific group. Religious syncretism is part of a
culturally sensitive approach and provides space for varied expressions of religious ideas and
values. On the other hand, the culturally neutral approach gives little practical significance to the
theoretical understanding of culture. This approach does not promote reproducing cultural values
but focuses on moral renewals. They could also criticize or denounce few cultural values and
practices. The authors further argue that “culturally neutral approach” proposed by
Pentecostalism attracts people across cultures. Pentecostalism provides alternative structures and
redefines the gender roles and family relations and provides a space for mobility and solidarity.
This article has helped the researcher to understand how Pentecostalism engages and facilitates
the urban migrants through the alternate social structure.

Anthony L. LaRuffa, in an article on “Cultural Change and Pentecostalism in Puerto

Rico,”39 explores the role of Pentecostalism amidst social-cultural changes in Puerto Rico. The
author analyzes from the background of post Second World War effect in Puerto Rico in 1963-
1964. The society after the Second World War was highly affected by the sudden techno-
economic changes and structural changes which had resulted in difference in social status and
gender roles. The author argues that in that background, Pentecostalism played psychological
and sociological roles. The changing situations had caused intra-community and intra-household
problems leading to self-dissipating activities such as drinking alcohol. Men who had been
addicted to alcoholism and women who had marital problems were attracted to Pentecostalism
38
Cf. Laszlo Foszto and Denes Kiss, “Pentecostalism in Romania: The Impact of Pentecostal Communities on the
Life-style of the Members,” La RicercaFolklorica 65 (April 2012): 51-64. http://www.jstor.org/stable/43854585
(accessed on 25/11/2016)
39
Cf. Anthony L LaRuffa, “Cultural Change and Pentecostalism in Puerto Rico,” Social and Economic Studies 18
(2) (September 1969): 273-281. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27856389 (accessed on 25/11/2016)

10
which had addressed their psychosomatic problems through prayer, home visits and financial
support. Pentecostalism also provided aesthetic and emotional satisfaction through participation
in rituals such as testimony, solo singing, playing instruments, and so on. Sociologically
Pentecostalism acted as a community within a community where when a convert from the wider
community came into the Pentecostal Church, found new friends in the religious community.
The search for community was a common factor when a person was seriously affected by sudden
societal change, and when society underwent the process of industrialization, urbanization and
migration to cities. Pentecostalism prescribed behaviours and endorsed values which made a
person adequate to face the new changing trends. This article has helped the researcher to
understand the Chennai slums reality from the perspective of urbanization, psycho-social
changes, and Pentecostalism’s impact among Pentecostals living in Chennai slums.

Sarbeswar Sahoo, in his book on Pentecostalism and Politics of Conversion in

India,40deals with the spread of Pentecostalism among Bhil tribe in the Indian state of Rajasthan,
religious conversion and the politics involved in the anti-Christian violence. This is an
ethnographic study in South Rajasthan. The author argues that Pentecostalism in its end time
mission to win souls concentrate on Dalits and Tribals in Rajasthan as caste Hindus are difficult
to be converted. Pentecostal conversion is facilitated by the spirit filled worship, healing and
miracle, strict rules, belief systems and through its holistic development projects such as
education, counselling, health and medical assistance, agriculture and economic development
and relief work. Tribal people, especially women, convert in significant numbers as they
experience healings and miracles, economic advancement and improvement in the marital
relationship. On the other hand, RVKP (Rajasthan Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad) and other Hindu
nationalist organizations working among tribal people oppose conversion to Christianity as it
reduces the number of Hindus in the state and invariably affects the vote bank for their political
party BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party). RVKP and other Hindu nationalist organizations work
together to stop conversion to Christianity through their social welfare programs and mobilize
the tribal vote bank towards BJP. In return, BJP provides RVKP with financial, political and
legal support to carry out their mission in the grassroots. Likewise, RVKP mobilizes the tribal

40
Cf. Sarbeshwar Sahoo, Pentecostalism and Politics of Conversion in India (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2018).

11
people against Christians and engages in anti-Christian violence. The author concludes that
Pentecostals’ view of social ministry as a medium for conversion and Hindu nationalists’ view of
development projects as a medium of vote bank provides Rajasthan the apt model of politics of
Pentecostal conversion and anti-Christian violence. This book has helped the researcher to
explore how Pentecostalism influenced the lives of tribal women in the context of Rajasthan.

Harvey Cox, in his book on Fire from Heaven: The Rise of Pentecostal Spirituality and
the Reshaping of Religion in the Twenty-First Century,41 explores Pentecostalism’s inner
meaning and its wider appeal around the globe. The basic question which the author tries to
explore is to find the reasons behind the rapid spread of Pentecostalism in the twentieth century.
The book was written by the end of the twentieth century and the work tries to analyze
Pentecostalism from the framework of twentieth century advancement and socio-cultural and
political changes. The author begins his enquiry from the early periods of Pentecostal history,
exploring into socio-cultural settings upon which Pentecostalism emerged and the role of
pioneers of Pentecostalism like Charles Fox Parham and William Joseph Seymour. The book
explores the dynamics and tensions found in the early period of Pentecostal history. The author
then argues that Pentecostalism appeals to the wider public as it reaches to individual’s “primal
spirituality” through “primal speech”, “primal piety” and “primal hope”. The primal spirituality
is the core of human religiosity. Due to varied reasons, the people in the twentieth century have
experienced spiritual emptiness and Pentecostalism addresses such spiritual emptiness. Primal
speech points to the ecstatic utterance, speaking in tongues in Pentecostalism, and taps into the
deep substratum of human religiosity. Primal piety points to a mystical experience of trance and
healing. Primal hope points to the expectation of a better future. These three components of
primal spirituality are set on the move through the agency of women and music. The author
further argues that the twentieth century world has been the battlefield for both fundamentalists
and experientialists, and analyses the position of Pentecostalism. Fundamentalists intend to bring
back the rigid system of religious beliefs which has been eroded in the cultural transformation
and claim sole authentic representation of religion while experientialists intend to restore past
religious experience and do not stand authoritative as they also find commonality with people of

41
Cf. Harvey Cox, Fire From Heaven: The Rise of Pentecostal Spirituality and The Reshaping of Religion in the
Twenty-First Century (USA: Da Capo Press, 2001).

12
other religions. The author further states that Pentecostalism is neither on the fundamentalists nor
on the experientialists’ camps, but both these camps attract Pentecostalism to its fold. This book
has helped the researcher to understand the concepts such as primal speech, primal piety and
primal hope and to relate them to the slum community in Chennai.

Andrew Chesnut, in his book on Born Again in Brazil: the Pentecostal Boom and
Pathogens of Poverty,42 explores the spread of Pentecostalism in Brazil from the framework of
illness caused by poverty against the backdrop of folk Catholicism and African-Brazilian
religion, Umbanda. This is an ethnographic study in a slum in the city of Belem, the capital of
the Amazonian state of Para. The author adopts the framework of illness which includes
physical, social and supernatural dimensions and analyzes the three stages of the conversion
process as pre-conversion, conversion and post-conversion stage. The author argues that the pre-
conversion experience is characterized by poverty. To numb the effects of poverty, people
engage in alcoholism and exhibit masculine tendencies in the street that affect the family
relationship, resulting in strife. Poverty and African religion’s (i.e., folk Catholicism and
Umbanda) inability to transform the adherents led to the rapid spread of Pentecostal Churches. In
the conversion stage, people with crisis situations come into contact with Pentecostal churches
through the efforts of family members, kin, and acquaintance. Faith healing and exorcism acted
as mechanisms where people were healed in the Pentecostal churches. In the post-conversion
stage, with the availability of baptism in the Holy Spirit, gifts of the spirit, music and mutual aid
from the Pentecostal community network, people are able to maintain their health, which
includes physical, social and supernatural dimensions. Pentecostal dualistic ideology of good and
evil, carnal and spiritual, and ascetic moral code are important aspects through which people
construct their life in the post-conversion stage where men become more concerned about the
domestic sphere. This book has helped the researcher to understand how Pentecostals construct
their post-conversion life in the context of slums.

42
Cf. R. Andrew Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and Pathogens of Poverty (New Jersey:
Rutgers University Press, 1997).

13
 Elizabeth E Brusco, in her book titled The Reformation of Machismo: Evangelical
Conversion and Gender in Colombia,43 explores conversion and its impact on gender relations in
family life in Colombia. This is an ethnographic study from an anthropological perspective. The
author adopts the framework of machismo to analyze the impact of conversion on gender
relations. The author argues that conversion to evangelicalism has reformed the machismo in
favour of women. Men who were exhibiting masculinity in the public sphere through drinking
alcohol, womanizing, and disinterest in the private domestic sphere turned towards home after
repentance. This transformation has positive advantages for women, extends to their security,
standard income, and investment in household goods and education of children. Asceticism and
family orientation alter the gender roles in the household and strengthen family bonding. This
book has helped the researcher to understand how family relations change after conversion.

The above author in yet another chapter of a book titled “Gender and Power,” 44 analyzes
the literatures which deal with women in the Pentecostal discourse and highlights the findings
from her study among Colombian Evangelicals. The author argues by differentiating patriarchy
and machismo and claims that evangelical churches (includes Pentecostal churches) address the
problem resulting from machismo. These churches alter the gender role and make men play
active roles in the domestic sphere and undergo complete rupture from the functions or activities
that affirm male solidarity in the public sphere. With the conversion of both husband and wife,
tensions in the family life are ameliorated. This chapter has helped the researcher to understand
how post-conversion gender roles are explored in Pentecostal academia and how new gender
roles favour women in the family.

Salvatore Cucchiari, in his article on “Between Shame and Sanctification: Patriarchy and
Its Transformation in Sicilian Pentecostalism,”45 explores how Pentecostalism brings about
alternate gender relations even while sustaining the patriarchal system. The author argues that

43
Cf. Elizabeth E Brusco, The Reformation of Machismo: Evangelical Conversion and Gender in Colombia (Austin:
University of Texas Press, 1995).
44
Cf. Elizabeth E Brusco, “Gender and Power,” in Studying Global Pentecostalism: Theories + Methods, ed. Allan
Anderson, et al., (London: University of California Press, 2010), 74-92.
45
Cf. Salvatore Cucchiari, “Between Shame and Sanctification: Patriarchy and its Transformation in Sicilian
Pentecostalism,” American Ethnologist 17 (4) (November 1990): 687-707. http://www.jstor.org/stable/645708
(accessed on 15/02/2019)

14
though Pentecostal God is addressed in a masculine term as “He”, Pentecostal God is understood
in androgynous terms, possessing characteristics of both father and mother. Pentecostal God is
acknowledged as a judging father and as a compassionate mother. This fluid gender imagery of
God is reflected in the understanding of Spirit and Word. Spirit as the consoler exhibits cultural
maternal imagery while Word as authority, order and law exhibit cultural paternal imagery. This
cross-gendered understanding of God opens the possibility for the redefinition of gender roles in
the Pentecostal community. This redefinition has tensions inherent in it. Women are filled with
the gifts of the Spirit but could not hold official ministry. They prophesy but are not recognized
prophetesses, preach but are not pastors. Yet women practice their prophetic gift and impact the
community in the long run even without official ministry status. In the communitarian life, the
Pentecostal community offers both egalitarian as well as hegemonic family model. Egalitarian in
terms of sharing equality as God’s children, in ritual practice and in seating arrangement in the
Church gathering but hegemonic in terms of men acting as the guardians over women and the
practice of women wearing ‘head shawl.’ Pentecostalism creates new patriarchy which is more
complex and ambiguous than the formal patriarchy which exists before Pentecostal conversion.
Women in this patriarchy make use of the ambiguity to direct power and prestige in their benefit.
This article has helped the researcher to understand how the nature of patriarchy is complicated
and made ambiguous after Pentecostal conversion.

Bernice Martin, in a chapter of an edited book titled “The Pentecostal Gender Paradox: A
Cautionary Tale for the Sociology of Religion,” 46 explores gender paradox in Pentecostalism and
appeals for a new paradigm in the academic endeavour to understand Pentecostal gender
paradox. The author argues that Pentecostalism’s modernizing egalitarian impulse attracts
women and provides them with space to rewrite their gender roles in family relations through
Pentecostal religious discourse. Men are made ‘domestic’ in character and their interests are
tuned towards the concerns of their wives and children. Women exercise certain authority but
their authority is tolerated by men until women exercise their formal authority publically.
Pentecostal gender paradox is sustained and it gives a new start to gender and family relations.

46
Cf. Bernice Martin, “The Pentecostal Gender Paradox: A Cautionary Tale for the Sociology of Religion,” in The
Blackwell Companion of Sociology of Religion, ed. Richard K. Fenn (UK: Blackwell Publishing, 2003), 52-66.

15
This chapter has helped the researcher to understand how Pentecostalism functions among
married women.

The above author, in yet another chapter of a book titled “Tensions and Trends in
Pentecostal Gender and Family Relations,”47 explores the paradoxes, tensions and new trends in
Pentecostal gender and family discourses. The chapter begins with the Pentecostal paradoxes in
terms of varied understanding of Bible and Spirit, ascetic and ecstatic expressions. The author
argues how women in Pentecostalism are contextually empowered as well as subjugated. In
contrast to the rigid patriarchy where men dominate the gender order, Pentecostal patriarchy
offers complementary gender roles where submission of women to male authority in exchange
for more stability in the nuclear family is proposed. Women, who are the principal carriers of the
Pentecostal message, gain authority through the practice of spiritual gifts. Women’s lack of
space in the pastorate may be seen as a form of gender inequality but their inevitable role in the
sustenance of the function of the church has not been credited in the academic discourse. This
chapter has helped the researcher to understand the concept of patriarchy in the Pentecostal
family and how women gain authority.

Martin Lindhardt, in an article on “If you are Saved You Cannot Forget your Parents:
Agency, Power and Social Repositioning in Tanzanian Born-Again Christianity,” 48 explores how
Pentecostals negotiate with their pre-conversion cultural worldview and reposition their social
and family obligation. The study is undertaken at Iringa, the Southern Highlands of Tanzania.
Against the background of the belief that elders possess the power to curse or bless younger
generations and the belief that ancestral spirits and witchcrafts will hinder the growth in terms of
education, development and healthy relations, the author argues that born-again charismatic
Christianity offers a protective force through the power of God where the curse of the elders will
not affect the convert unless the converts fail to care for their parents. The belief in ancestral
spirits and the curse of the elder is replaced by the belief in the Holy Spirit. The ritual practice of

47
Cf. Bernice Martin, “Tensions and Trends in Pentecostal Gender and Family Relations,” in Global Pentecostalism
in the 21st Century, ed. Robert W. Hefner (Indiana: Indiana University Press, 2013), 115-148.
48
Cf. Martin Lindhardt, “If you are Saved you cannot Forget your Parents: Agency, Power and Social Repositioning
in Tanzanian Born-Again Christianity,” Journal of Religion in Africa 40 (2010): 240-272.
http://www.jstor.org/stable/25801378 (accessed on 25/11/2016)

16
worship and pronouncing of the name of Jesus in the Pentecostal movement offers divine power
and protection for the converts, eliminating every kind of fear. The author further argues that
though converts distance from any form of ritual practice of their non-converted family
members, and experience new autonomy and individualism, their social relationship with their
family members do not find any rupture. Rather than rupture, converts tend to re-establish their
broken relationship and fulfill their family obligations. This article has helped the researcher to
get to know how the Pentecostal experience helps people to replace their old beliefs with newer
ones.

The above author, in yet another article on “Men of God: Neo-Pentecostalism and
Masculinities in Urban Tanzania,”49 explores how converted men gain status and honour in the
public sphere. The author argues that extensive literatures deal with how conversion of men
contributes to the “domestication of men.” Men converts are freed from their masculine activates
of drinking alcohol, gambling, and womanizing, which once defined their public honour and
status. In such a context, the author argues that Pentecostalism, with its rhetoric, ritual practices
and imagery provides prestigious identities as powerful and successful men of God. Theological
and ontological understanding that salvation as power, appreciation for prayer and mastery over
demonic spirits in the name of Jesus gains honour and prestige in the public sphere. The author
concludes that the conversion of men implies a certain measure of domestication and a
reorientation towards the private. Pentecostalism’s emphasis on success, victory and spiritual
empowerment and an aggressive aesthetic insertion into public space facilitate the construction
and negotiation of public masculine identities. This article has helped the researcher to
understand how men construct their social life after their conversion.

Andre Droogers, in a chapter of an edited book titled “The Cultural Dimensions of

Pentecostalism,”50 explores portable identity, rupture, continuity, conversion process and
repertoire model of a church or community through the process of modernization, globalization

49
Cf. Martin Lindhardt, “Men of God: Neo-Pentecostalism and Masculinities in Urban Tanzania,” Religion 45(2)
(2015): 252-272. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0048721X.2014.997433 (accessed on 07/01/2019)
50
Cf. Andre Droogers, “The Cultural Dimensions of Pentecostalism,” in The Cambridge Companion to
Pentecostalism, ed. Cecil M. Robeck, JR. and Amos Yong (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 195-
214.

17
and trans-nationalization. The author draws on sociologist David Martin’s idea of portable
identity and argues that modernization has brought major changes in terms of communication,
transportation, and technology, but not everyone has received the advantages of modernization.
It brings about the need for a redefinition of the meaning of life, and Pentecostalism, with its
unique way of dealing with modernity, offers a new identity through its dynamic dual matrix of
God and devil, good and evil, salvation and peril, and corporeal experience of the spirit
manifesting through corporeal senses. The aspects of rupture and continuity are based on the
nature of society where Pentecostalism functions. At the outset, Pentecostalism may seem to
offer rupture through a radical change in Pentecostal lifestyle and a complete break from the past
in terms of kinship and local customs. But the continuity can be analyzed in many aspects such
as constructing Pentecostal worldview in the backdrop of local worldview by demonizing it on
one hand and using local religion’s practice with a different meaning system on the other.
Conversion can be viewed from different lenses the authors adopt. Here conversion is a cultural
process and converts adopt the cultural politics of the church, and incorporate the attitude of the
community towards the outside world. The Pentecostal community has three repertoires such as
transcendental, internal and external repertoires. Transcendental repertoire emphasizes on the
need for divine intervention in impacting an individual’s life. Internal repertoire involves
leadership and it determines the ritual side of the community. External repertoire involves the
cultural politics of the community with the outside world in relation to other religions and
secular authorities. These three repertoires are interconnected and interrelated and function at
various levels in the Pentecostal community. These repertoires determine the power relations in
the community and it raises the basic tension between the Spirit’s power and human power. This
chapter has helped the researcher to understand the cultural politics of the Pentecostal
community on the aspects of rupture and continuity.

Joel Robbins, in a chapter of an edited book titled, “Anthropology of Religion,”51

explores Pentecostalism as a cultural process and as a lived religion. In the section on the cultural
process, the author argues that Pentecostalism makes cultural changes in personal, community
and eschatological levels through the process of discontinuity or rupture. At the personal level,

51
Cf. Joel Robbins, “Anthropology of Religion,” in Studying Global Pentecostalism: Theories Methods, ed. Allan
Anderson, et al., (London: University of California Press, 2010), 156-178.

18
discontinuity functions to break down the existing kin relationship and social roles of class and
ethnicity, and expresses a new kind of relationships. At the community level, Pentecostalism
breaks down the cultural values of the community rituals and demonizes them. This radical
discontinuity is enacted by the Pentecostal rituals of praying, waiting, purifying, baptism and
speaking in tongues. The Pentecostal culture consists of ideas and values which reject the
existing culture. In the section on lived religion, the author discusses the aspects of lived religion
in Pentecostalism as rituals, body, language, morality and media. First, the author argues that
though Pentecostals are hesitant towards the use of the word ritual, they very much engage in
ritual practice which they call as worship service, spiritual practices, prayers, healing services
and so on. Second, body in Pentecostalism is ritually trained to be the vessel of Pentecostal
habitus and ecstatic experiences. Thus Pentecostals moralize the body and follow strict moral
codes of conduct. Third, language is essential for Pentecostals who consider the speech to be
directed by the Spirit. Fourth, the daily lives of Pentecostals are shaped by morality as they see
their life as a struggle between God and devil, and good and evil. Hence they cultivate self-
control through their spirituality and take a moral stake in their everyday living. Fifth, mass
media has been widely used by the Pentecostals. While Pentecostal media brings the sacred into
home, it also influences the secular public space and offers the Pentecostal style of religiosity. It
should be examined how Pentecostal media creates meaningful and entertaining worlds for the
secular world. In the final section of the chapter, the authors explore what the Pentecostal
cultural process and lived experience produce in terms of individualism, gender, economy and
politics. This chapter has helped the researcher to understand the role religious discontinuity
plays in making cultural changes.

Birgit Meyer, in her article on “‘Make a Complete Break with the Past’: Memory and
Post-Colonial Modernity in Ghanaian Pentecostalist Discourse,”52 explores the Pentecostal
rupture from Ghanaian traditional cultural identity. The author highlights how Pentecostal
pastors view “the past” and construct the future through ritual practices. Pentecostalism views
traditional cultural practices as demonic and works of evil spirits and believes that those spirits

52
Cf. Birgit Meyer, “‘Make a Complete Break with the Past’: Memory and Post-Colonial Modernity in Ghanaian
Pentecostalist Discourse,” Journal of Religion in African 28 (3) (Aug 1998): 316-349.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/1581573 (accessed on 14/08/2019)

19
have the potential to control a person and destroy the individual. In order to get rid of the
demonic effects, one has to be delivered from four ways of linking with the past such as: first,
from their immediate past which characterizes their past actions of pornography, criminal acts,
an anti-social attitude such as anger, hatred and so on; second, from their ancestral past
transmitted through ancestral general curse and any form of ritual practice; third, from occultic
bondage; fourth, from demonic control and influence. Through the mechanism of remembrance,
“the past” is re-constructed in order to forget so as to get a new modern identity. The past is not
completely lost but continuously reconstructed to construct a new modern identity in terms of
individualistic functioning and existence. This article has helped the researcher to understand
how Pentecostals make rupture with the earthly culture and religion and construct a new identity.

Cephas Omenyo, in a chapter of an edited book titled “African Pentecostalism,”53

explores the typologies in Pentecostalism, African Pentecostal churches in terms of African
initiated churches, classical, neo and charismatic churches in Africa, African Pentecostalism’s
impact in public life and African-ness of the African Pentecostalism. The author argues that
Pentecostalism has made a significant contribution to African public life in relation to politics,
community and family. Pentecostals view political victories in polls as the form of fulfillment of
prophesy supported through the concept of biblical messiah. At the community level, the
Pentecostal churches engage and encourage business and institutions and construct public
infrastructure with special emphasis on education. At the family level, men of the street have
returned home with much emphasis on family welfare, leading to family upliftment. The author
further argues that the African Pentecostalism’s embracing of the African primal cosmology is
the principal factor in the spread of Pentecostal version of Christianity calling it as the African-
ness of the African Pentecostalism. Pentecostalism has adopted the African cosmology which
gives room for the works of good and bad spirits in a person’s public life. In the African
worldview, hard work is coupled with God’s favour in a person’s success. Pentecostalism has
used the framework of the African religious worldview by acknowledging the functions of the
spirits but places the Holy Spirit in the higher rank among those spirits. It is this African-
Pentecostal cosmology which results in the spread of Pentecostalism in Africa. This chapter has

53
Cf. Cephas N Omenyo, “African Pentecostalism,” in The Cambridge Companion to Pentecostalism, ed. Cecil M.
Robeck, JR. and Amos Yong (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 132-151.

20
shed light to the researcher to understand how cosmologies of traditional religions facilitate the
spread of Pentecostalism and how Pentecostalism engages with traditional religions.

V.V. Thomas, in his book on Dalit Pentecostalism: Spirituality of the Empowered Poor,54
explores the historiography of Dalit Pentecostalism from subaltern perspective, exploring socio-
economic, cultural, religious and political contexts in the South Indian state of Kerala. The
author presents the emergence of Pentecostalism in Kerala through the work of the missionaries
from Azusa Street revival and the efforts of indigenous leaders, and highlights the power
struggle between the so-called upper castes and so-called lower castes, the Dalits. The author
argues that the spread of Pentecostalism in Kerala was due to the efforts of Dalits and Kerala
Pentecostalism had the character of Dalit-ness. The author further argues that Pentecostalism is
appealing to the Dalits in Kerala due to Pentecostalism’s cultural continuity where worship is
filled with elements similar to their primal traditional religion providing room for the beliefs in
spirits, usage of drums and so on. Another aspect which attracted the Dalits to Pentecostalism
was the concept of salvation. Salvation for Dalits is not “other-worldly” but concerned with here
and now, with much emphasis on the ability to cope with day-to-day struggles. This book has
helped the researcher to understand the cultural dimension of Pentecostalism and how people
understand salvation from the point of view of here and now.

Wessly Lukose, in his book on Contextual Missiology of the Spirit: Pentecostalism in

Rajasthan, India,55 explores the emergence of Pentecostalism in the religio-political context of
Rajasthan to construct a contextual missiology of the Spirit. In the fifth chapter of the book, the
author deals with the issue on the usage of jewels. The author states that Pentecostalism in
Rajasthan is controlled and shaped by South Indian Malayalee pastors who believed in the
principle of renunciation in terms of ornaments as they came from the background of classical
Kerala Pentecostalism. Malayalee pastors’ understanding of non-usage of jewels as a doctrine
and sign of holiness kindled tension among the local Pentecostal leaders who viewed the use of
jewels as a cultural practice. This had led to various split in organizations and Rajasthanian

54
Cf. V.V. Thomas, Dalit Pentecostalism: Spirituality of the Empowered Poor (Bangalore: Asian Trading
Corporation, 2018).
55
Cf. Wessly Lukose, Contextual Missiology of the Spirit: Pentecostalism in Rajasthan, India (Eugene: Wipf &
Stock Publications, 2013).

21
pastors began to run their churches with no stress on renunciation of jewels. The author
concludes that cultural tensions arise when Pentecostalism fails to assimilate the existing culture
where Pentecostalism functions. This portion of the book has helped the researcher to understand
how Pentecostal values and native cultural practices interact and how meaning proposed by both
(i.e., Pentecostal meaning and native meaning) construct the individuals’ cultural life style.

G. Patrick, in a chapter of an edited book titled “Pentecostalism in Contemporary

Context,”56 explores Pentecostalism from a post-modern perspective. In the first part of the
chapter, the author discusses about postmodern society and in the second part he analyzes the
case of a Pentecostal pastor, women in Pentecostalism and Pentecostalism in the Indian context.
The author argues that the postmodern world offers a platform for the people from the middle
class to fulfill their aspiration but at the same time it causes a feeling of insecurity. In such a
context Pentecostalism plays a significant role by motivating people towards their aspirations
and reduces their feelings of insecurity. Care in the Pentecostal community, brotherhood and
pastoral care provide support for a person who finds himself/herself isolated in the postmodern
world. The author considers the Pentecostal pastors to be a religious representative of the middle
class. Like the middle-class people in the secular world, Pentecostal pastors rise by their efforts
and exhibit the characteristics of the postmodern society. Pastors train/equip themselves to face
challenges in the process of constructing their community and enjoy freedom in interpreting
scripture based literal understanding. They do not confine within any particular organizations
and keep moving in search of new avenues in the postmodern world. By analyzing the case of
Pandit Ramabai, the author argues that Pentecostalism provides freedom to women to express
their sorrows and happiness. Women see openness in Pentecostalism where they are able to
actively engage in church and ministry and their voice in the domestic sphere is being
acknowledged in the Pentecostal family. In analyzing Pentecostalism in the Indian context, the
author presents both negative and positive impact on Indian society. The author states that the
urge for rapid evangelism, and exclusivist understanding of salvation make them to value people
of other religious faith lower and cause a disturbance in the society. At the same time, it opens
the possibility of breaking down the caste based identity of the grass root people and creates new

56
Cf. G Patrick, “Pentecostalism in Contemporary Context,” in Pentecostal Movements – Clarifications and
Searches, ed. S. Nazarene (Chennai: Idaya Publications, 2007), 27-39.

22
modern identity. The concepts of “Saved” and “Spirit Baptism” help them to create new bonding
within the community by going beyond the boundaries of the caste system. The author’s insights
on Pentecostalism thus enhanced the researcher to understand how Pentecostalism functions in
the post-modern society and how it creates a new identity to the Pentecostal adherents.

P. Devadoss, in a chapter of an edited book titled “Pentecostal Movements: Today’s

Reality,”57 explores Pentecostalism from socio-religious perspective. In the first section of the
chapter, the author draws insights from a survey conducted by the Indian Catholic Bishops
Conference to highlight the socio-cultural background of Pentecostals and underlines the reasons
for the shifting of people from Catholic Church to Pentecostal Churches. In the second section of
the chapter, the author presents certain positive and negative features of Pentecostalism in the
Indian context. Experience of the Spirit as the foundation of relationship, group relationship
growing in small communities, meaningful worship, spiritual democracy, concern for the other,
importance to women, ability to break caste boundaries, the experience of salvation are the
important positive aspects in Pentecostalism. Lack of concern for this-worldliness, short-sighted
brotherhood, fundamentalism, superstition, requiring money from the poor and blurring of the
liberating elements are some of the negative aspects embodied within Pentecostalism. This
chapter has helped the researcher to understand the aspect of community in Pentecostalism,
Pentecostalism’s ability to break caste boundaries and to explore Pentecostalism in the wider
context of India.

X.D. Selvarasu, in a chapter of an edited book titled “Pentecostal Movements (Social)

Engagement,”58 explores Pentecostalism from its emergence and highlights the elements which
hinder the social engagement of the Pentecostals. The author argues that Pentecostalism began in
North America. It broke the barriers of racism and the black people experienced love and
affirmation as children of God. In the Indian context, Dalits began to turn towards
Pentecostalism and inter-caste marriages occurred at various places. However Pentecostalism
begins with the individual and ends with the individual concern, and social problems are largely
57
Cf. P. Devadoss, “Pentecostal Movements: Today’s Reality,” in Pentecostal Movements – Clarifications and
Searches, ed. S. Nazarene (Chennai: Idaya Publications, 2007), 12-26.
58
Cf. X.D. Selvarasu, “Pentecostal Movements (Social) Engagement,” in Pentecostal Movements – Clarifications
and Searches, ed. S. Nazarene (Chennai: Idaya Publications, 2007), 136-143.

23
neglected. The concepts of the impure world and the imminent coming of Jesus Christ hinders
the social engagement of the Pentecostals. Pentecostals believe that the world is impure and any
association with the world is seen as sinful. Hence they concentrate on other-worldly matters.
The belief in the imminent coming of Jesus Christ forces to spend time in personal piety. The
author concludes that the Godly experience of the Pentecostals does not have any social concern
and engagement and is not expressed even in the struggle for justice and human rights. This
chapter has helped the researcher to understand Pentecostalism’s ability to go beyond the
practice of race in western and caste in the Indian context.

Michael Bergunder, in his book on The South Indian Pentecostal Movement in the
Twentieth Century,59 deals with the historiography of Pentecostalism in the South Indian states
namely Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. The author had used an empirical
method and interviewed 190 pastors. In the first section of the book, the author presents the early
development and the historical development of the Pentecostal movement in the twentieth
century. In the second section of the book, the author presents beliefs and practices of South
Indian Pentecostal movement in terms of themes such as religious experience, prayer and
blessing, end-time expectations, an order of salvation (conversion, baptism in the Spirit and
sanctification), gifts of the Spirit (healing and exorcism, divine healing for born-again Christians,
prophesy), ethics, ministry, church life (social work), social structures and ecumenical relations.
The author has made attempts to construct Indian Pentecostal historiography from oral traditions,
popular magazines, and so on. This book has helped the researcher to understand the dynamics
of the South Indian Pentecostal Movement and themes such as prophesy, religious experience,
ethics and so on.

The studies mentioned above have helped the researcher to understand various concepts,
to identify the research gap and in constructing in-depth and survey questions. Few studies
mentioned above have focused on factors behind Pentecostalism’s rapid growth and
Pentecostalism’s possible offer to the world at social and family levels. The present study looks
forward to analyze how Pentecostalism motivates the Pentecostals to construct their life and
interact with their locality. The study by Andrew Chesnut comes closer to the present study in

59
Cf. Michael Bergunder, The South Indian Pentecostal.

24
analyzing post-conversion life of Pentecostals but he has not explored how Pentecostals relate
with their neighbours and people of other religious faith. In that aspect, the present study moves
away from the study by Andrew Chesnut. Studies by Elizabeth Brusco and Salvatore Cucchiari
and a chapter by Bernice Martin, have very well presented the role of Pentecostalism
(evangelical conversion in Brusco’s case) in domestic relations. But the present study intends to
explore the aspects of gender equality, women’s freedom in decision making and how women
construct their family lives. The present study also explores the issues applicable to the Indian
context such as inter-caste marriage, and relationship with other religionists. The uniqueness of
this present study is that as immersion baptism is an important factor in conversion in the South
Indian context, the present study focuses on the impact of Pentecostalism upon those who have
received immersion baptism, and it is a study in slums in Chennai as slum Pentecostalism in
Chennai has its own unique character.

1.6 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

1.6.1. MIXED METHOD

Qualitative and quantitative researches are the two types of social science research.
Quantitative research aims at quantifiable knowledge using scientific methods, statistical tools
and measurements. Quantitative researches quantify the social realities through a careful
statistical study. They explore attitudes, perceptions, the structure of relationship, etc. They use
survey questionnaire, interview with a standardized set of questions, to collect data. Qualitative
research aims at generating descriptive knowledge.60 Qualitative researches generally
contextualize, explain, and evaluate social reality. 61 They explore the meaning embedded in
human behaviours. They use methods such as participation in a setting, direct observation,

60
Cf. Chetan Agarwal and Vijay Sharma, Research Methodology in Sociology (New Delhi: Commonwealth
Publishers PVT. LTD, 2012), 25.
61
Cf. Jane Ritchie, “The Applications of Qualitative Methods to Social Research,” in Qualitative Research
Practice: A Guide for Social Science Students and Researchers, ed. Jane Ritchie and Jane Lewis (London: Sage
Publications, 2009), 27.

25
interview and analysis of documents and materials. 62 This present study uses both quantitative
and qualitative research methods.

David Silverman, in his book Interpreting Qualitative Data: Methods for Analyzing Talk,
Text and Interaction, presents three ways to combine both qualitative and quantitative research:

i) Using qualitative research to explore a particular topic in order to set up a quantitative study, ii)
Beginning with a quantitative study in order to establish a sample of respondents and to establish the broad
contours of the field, then using qualitative research to look in depth at a key issue using some of the earlier
samples, iii) Engaging in a qualitative study which uses quantitative data to locate the results in a broader
context.63

Triangulation, a process of understanding through multiple lens or perspectives, is used in

studies to have a better understanding of the social reality. According to Lawrence Neuman,
there are four ways how triangulation is applied in research; Triangulation of measures –
applying various tools of measurement, triangulation of observers – observing as a unit,
triangulation of theory – applying various theories to understand the phenomenon and
triangulation of methods – mixing of qualitative and quantitative methods. 64 This study uses
triangulation of methods by employing survey questionnaire method and in-depth interview
method and also by using various theories to understand the phenomenon.

1.6.2 SAMPLING

A sample is a unit taken from the total population to study about the population.65
According to John J Shaughnessy, et al., probability sampling and non-probability are the two
approaches used in the sampling process. Probability sampling provides an equal possibility for
individual’s selection for the study and is considered to be the representatives of the total

62
Cf. Agarwal and Sharma, Research Methodology, 25.
63
David Silverman, Interpreting Qualitative Data: Methods for Analyzing Talk, Text and Interaction, 3rd ed. (New
Delhi: Sage Publications, 2006), 48.
64
Cf. W. Lawrence Neuman, Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches, 6th ed. (USA:
Pearson Education, 2006), 149-150; For further reading, Cf. Ritchie, “The Applications of Qualitative Methods,” 38;
Cf. Julia Brannen, “Working Qualitatively and Quantitatively,” in Qualitative Research Practice ed. Clive Seale, et
al., (London: Sage Publications, 2008), 282-296.
65
Cf. Agarwal and Sharma, Research Methodology, 62.

26
population. Non-probability sampling does not provide an equal possibility for individual’s
selection into the study unit and is selected on the basis of particular characteristics or features of
the total population.66 Jane Ritchie, Jane Lewis and Gillian Elam opine that qualitative studies
generally use non-probability sampling approach as it explores into particular characteristics of
the theme under study.67 Hence this study makes use of non-probability sampling approach. This
study has adopted convenience sampling technique for data collection.

1.6.2.1 Convenience Sampling

Anol Bhattacherjee defines convenience sampling as “a technique in which a sample is

drawn from that part of the population that is close to hand, readily available, or convenient.” 68
The present researcher went to different churches during Sunday services and other weekly
services where at the end of the service, the researcher was introduced to the audience by the
Pastor of the Church (who had been duly contacted) and the researcher explained about the
research to the audience and requested for respondents. Interested and available respondents who
fell under the criteria had responded to the questionnaire and in-depth interview.

1.6.2.2 Criteria for Sampling

Churches with 15 and above years of existence and samples with 7 and above years of
conversion experience were considered for the study.

1.6.3 TOOLS FOR DATA COLLECTION

1.6.3.1 Pilot Study

In the first stage of data collection from November 2017 to February 2018, the researcher
undertook primary field survey for identifying and locating slum Pentecostal churches in the

66
Cf. John J. Shaughnessy, et al., Research Methods in Psychology, 7th ed. (New Delhi: McGraw-Hill, 2012), 150-
155; For further reading, Cf. Jane Ritchie, Jane Lewis and Gillian Elam, “Designing and Selecting Samples,” in
Qualitative Research Practice: A Guide for Social Science Students and Researchers, ed. Jane Ritchie and Jane
Lewis (London: Sage Publications, 2009),78.
67
Cf. Ritchie, Lewis and Elam, “Designing and Selecting Samples,” 78.
68
Bhattacherjee, “Social Science Research,” 69. For further reading, Frederick J Gravetter and Lori-Ann B.
Forzano, Research Methods for the Behavioral Sciences, 3rd ed.(USA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2009), 141;
Agarwal and Sharma, Research Methodology, 76.

27
research geographical area. With the help of data on slums received from Tamil Nadu Slum
Clearance Board and the list of zone-wise street names, the researcher explored the slums in
North Chennai to identify Pentecostal churches. The aim of the primary survey was to locate
Pentecostal churches in the slums and to collect demographic data such as the name of the
church, name of the Pastor and years of existence. The researcher personally went into each
street of the slums in the zones of Royapuram, Tondaiyarpet and Thiru. Vi. Ka Nagar, and
identified the Pentecostal churches. The researcher also contacted the head of R. K. Nagar
Pastor’s fellowship and North Chennai Ministers Welfare Association to request for the list of
Pastors working in North Chennai slums and they shared the data they had. By the end of the
primary survey, the churches for the study were identified based on years of existence, and
churches with 15 and above years of existence were selected for the research.

During the months of March to April 2018, a pilot study was conducted to check whether
the constructed questionnaire and check-list of questions for in-depth interview were
understandable to the respondents and to look for new dimensions to be incorporated into the
main research. Survey questionnaire was collected from 50 respondents and undertook 15 in-
depth interviews using a convenience sampling method. Based on the pilot study, few changes
were made in the questionnaire and check-list of questions and new dimensions were
incorporated.

1.6.3.2 Survey Questionnaire

From the review of literature, and interactions with Pastors working in North Chennai
slums along with discussions with the supervisor, a Likert scale based questionnaire covering 56
items was constructed with two domains such as social and cultural impact with 35 and 21 items
respectively. These domains also have respective sub-domains. Social impact has sub-domains
such as social relationship, relationship with other religionists and family relationship with 19, 7
and 9 items respectively. The cultural impact has sub-domains such as language, cleanliness,
dress code, cosmetics, jewels and food habit with 2, 4, 2, 2, 7 and 4 items respectively.

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1.6.3.2.1 Scoring

The participants were requested to choose their options from among 5 possible answers
based on their experience and perception namely, Strongly Disagree, Disagree, No Comments,
Agree, and Strongly Agree. Each possible answer has specific scores. “Strongly Disagree” has a
score of 1, “Disagree” has a score of 2, “No Comments” has a score of 3, “Agree” has a score of
4, and “Strongly Agree” has a score of 5. The questionnaire also includes reverse scores to check
whether the respondents were alert in answering survey questions and to avoid or reduce
response bias. The reverse items have 5 score for “Strongly Disagree”, 4 score for “Disagree”, 3
score for “No Comments”, 2 score for “Agree” and 1 score for “Strongly Agree”. Higher score
represents a higher level of impact in each domain.

The participants were requested to circle the statement roll numbers when they find any
statement to be inappropriate. For example, for the statement, “I have stopped using vulgar
words after my conversion”, the participants were asked to circle the statement roll number if
they have not spoken vulgar words even before their conversion to Pentecostalism.

Following are the item numbers which has direct scoring: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16,
19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 46, 47, 48,
49, 50, 51, and 54.

Following are the item numbers which has reverse scoring: 6, 7, 9, 17, 18, 22, 33, 44, 45, 53, and
55.

Following are the item numbers which do not have any scoring as these items are close-ended
questions: 13 and 52.

Following are the item number which does not have any scoring as these items are open-ended
questions: 56.

1.6.3.2.2 Calculating Levels of Impact

The level of impact is measured in terms of No Impact, Low Impact, Moderate Impact,
High Impact and Higher Impact.

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Range = Highest Value – Lowest Value

= 5-1

= 4

Interval Ratio = Range / No. of response values in questionnaire

= 4/5

= 0.8

The impact is measured by analyzing the mean scores in each domain and sub-domains
in the questionnaire. The mean scores between 1 to 1.80 is considered to have no impact, 1.81
to
2.60 to have low impact, 2.61 to 3.40 to have a moderate impact, 3.41 to 4.20 to have high
impact and 4.21 to 5.00 to have very high impact. 69 The frequencies of the mean scores are
calculated to analyze the percentage among 500 respondents.

1.6.3.3 In-Depth Interview

A check-list of questions was framed for the in-depth interview in line with the two
domains of the main questionnaire, with each question containing sub-questions for further
probing. This check-list was not shown to the respondents and the researcher had the check-list
for personal reference to channelize the interview towards the object of inquiry. 50 respondents
were interviewed in the present study using a convenience sampling method.

1.6.3.3.1 Language of Data Collection

As Tamil is the regional language in slums in Chennai, the in-depth interview was
conducted in Tamil and translated for the thesis. Tamil language spoken in slums is not the
Tamil language as found in classics or text books. People in Chennai slums speak Tamil with a
local accent. The pronunciation and spellings of Tamil words used will differ from Tamil words

69
Cf. Serkan Narli, “An Alternative Evaluation Method for Likert Type Attitude Scales: Rough Set Data Analysis,”
Scientific Research and Essays 5(5) (March, 2010): 519-528. https://academicjournals.org/journal/SRE/article-full-
text-pdf/891397319354 (accessed on 13/04/2017).
30
30
found in text books. Hence the transliteration of Tamil words used in this thesis is presented with
the accent with which slum Pentecostals spoke.

1.6.3.3.2 Pseudonymous Names

To safeguard the identity of the respondents of the present study, the researcher has used
pseudonymous names in the section of the presentation of data and analysis. Hence the names
mentioned in the thesis are not the real name of the respondents.

1.7 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

i. In the Indian context where Pentecostalism has been seen as an aberration,
fundamentalist, mere emotionalism and catalyst of religious violence, this study will
highlight the ground reality of Pentecostalism’s engagement in the grassroots.

ii. This study will contribute to the academic knowledge of Indian Pentecostalism.
iii. This study will bring out the very aspect of Pentecostal worldview and their
understanding of their relation with the society.

1.8 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

There are few limitations to the present study which are as follows,

i. This study has covered only Pentecostal voices while non-Pentecostal and non-
Christian voices about Pentecostals have not been focused in this study.
ii. Lack of sufficient academic works on Indian Pentecostalism by Indian authors marks
the limitation for this present study as the researcher had to discuss majorly with
foreign authors than Indian authors in the analysis chapter.

1.9 CHAPTERIZATION

The thesis has 5 chapters as follows,

i) Chapter I deals with the introduction and methodology.

31
ii) Chapter II deals with the origin, history and spread of Pentecostalism in India and
explores Pentecostal churches in Chennai and their relation with slum Pentecostalism.
iii) Chapter III deals with the presentation of data on social impact.
iv) Chapter IV deals with the presentation of data on cultural impact.
v) Chapter V deals with the interpretations of data.
vi) Chapter VI deals with the major findings, and conclusion.

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