The Conspiracy is Capitalism's Reviews > Capital: A Critique of Political Economy Volume 1
Capital: A Critique of Political Economy Volume 1
by
by
The Conspiracy is Capitalism's review
bookshelves: econ-marxism, 1-how-the-world-works, econ-value-labour, econ-market, critique-liberalism, econ-sci-techno, econ-violence, econ-inequality, theory-socialism-marxism, theory-sci-techno, theory-philosophy
May 16, 2022
bookshelves: econ-marxism, 1-how-the-world-works, econ-value-labour, econ-market, critique-liberalism, econ-sci-techno, econ-violence, econ-inequality, theory-socialism-marxism, theory-sci-techno, theory-philosophy
De-mystifying the Left’s “Bible”:
Preamble:
--Friedrich Engels apparently called this book “the Bible of the working class” (which I believe was, in part, tongue in cheek, coming from a secular historical materialist), so I’m also referencing this tongue in cheek. I might add that Marx's “opium of the people” quote on religion had nuance, and my favourite quote comes from an advocate of Liberation Theology (Hélder Câmara):
--So, I really wanted a project for us to work on together, in depth, and what better book than Marx’s infamous Capital Volume 1 to bring us together? We ended up dividing into 3 meeting groups for different time-zones and reading paces, and each group has provided rewarding experiences. Check out Carlos Martinez’s interviews to inspire our efforts:
-with Vijay Prashad: https://youtu.be/BgiKOlMjUoo
-with Radhika Desai: https://youtu.be/8EkpdYH0Bhg
--Many leftists only read the The Communist Manifesto (indeed, same goes for the opposition, at least those who bother to read), a political pamphlet Marx/Engels wrote when they were age 29/27 in the wake of the Revolutions of 1848 (“A specter is haunting Europe”… “you have nothing to lose but your chains!”); after the revolutions were co-opted by the bourgeoisie, Marx/Engels’ later preface explains how they left the Manifesto unaltered as a historical record.
--Marx’s Capital project, on the other hand, was a sober, lifelong academic pursuit. Marx had planned some 5-6 “books”, each with multiple volumes. He only finished Volume 1 (1,000+ pages) of the 1st book, with Engels piecing together Volume 2, 3, and 4(?) from Marx’s mountain of notes. The minority who make it through Volume 1 really drop off for the subsequent volumes, which are fragmented and dominated by Marx’s dry accounting style (whereas Volume 1 also features Marx’s literary depth and biting critique).
--Academic: which opposition has taken Classical political economy idols Adam Smith/David Ricardo etc. more seriously/extensively than Marx? …Certainly not today’s “mainstream Economics”, i.e. Neoclassical (“anti-Classical” according to Michael Hudson/Anwar Shaikh), where status quo shilling devolves into simply quoting the “Invisible Hand” passage without context (Smith’s The Theory of Moral Sentiments, not to mention capitalism evolving beyond petty shopkeepers of butchers/bakers/brewers, face-palm) while deliberately rejecting Classical foundations (class distinctions/struggle, labour theory of value, economic rent, historical change, turbulent competition, etc.).
Highlights:
--I ended up splitting Volume 1 into 2 halves: Market Circulation and Production. Throughout, Marx is particularly interested in uncovering capitalism’s:
(i) Abstractions: historical social relations (i.e. power relations, interactions for social needs) that are hidden, where the surface appears as natural (physical/human nature) thus inevitable (crucial for social consent!).
(ii) Contradictions: potential sources of crises.
1) Capitalism’s Value system; Market Circulation of Capital:
--With the first sentences, we immediately get a sense that we’re reading the interaction between a science textbook (chemistry’s Periodic Table) and philosophical treatise (theory of value): “The wealth of societies in which the capitalist mode of production prevails appears as an ‘immense collection of commodities’; the individual commodity appears as its elementary form. Our investigation therefore begins with the analysis of the commodity.”
--Note: Marx mimics scientific reductionism where simplifying assumptions are made to “turn off” certain parts in order to isolate and discover other parts (see The New Economics: A Manifesto for a useful distinction between this vs. the “constructionism” of utopic mainstream economics making “domain assumptions”). Thus, it’s a crucial challenge to keep track of what assumptions are at play throughout the book (and the entire Capital project).
…Starting with the commodity, Marx distinguishes its:
(i) Use-value: satisfies human wants/needs; a quality.
(ii) Exchange-value: the economic gain from selling something on the market, represented by price; a quantity.
…How these contradicting natures manifest in various scenarios is carefully unraveled, where market exchange prioritizes exchange-value while abstracting use-value (it’s difficult to compare heterogeneous qualities).
--Given the heterogeneous qualities of the commodities exchanged, the (general) commonality between commodities is both are products of labour; thus, Marx starts with the Classical Smith/Ricardo “labour theory of value”. However, Marx emphasizes that labour here must also be abstracted (heterogeneous labour becomes homogeneous; Marx calls the result “value”).
--We can theoretically measure “value” as “socially necessary labour-time” (the normal labour-time the society requires to produce the commodity), foreshadowing another contradiction: increase productivity = increase use-value produced (more commodities) but decrease “value” (shorter socially necessary labour-time needed, thus labour-power and the commodity are cheapened; see later).
--Private labour becomes social labour since it is now producing for social use (sold on ever-expanding market), but this social labour is contradicted by the relation only being via market exchange, thus indirect (sold to strangers). This stranger-to-stranger relation is mediated by the commodity sold/bought, resulting in “commodity fetishism” where social labour is concealed/objectified in the commodity itself. Just think of how visible the commodity/its price are, compared to all the labour relations/conditions throughout the commodity chain (let alone environmental conditions)!
--Let’s add some anthropology: despite economists trying to naturalize market exchange (esp. convenient thought-experiments of how human social relations started with barter), the actual mechanisms of market exchange (instantaneous exchange between strangers competing to maximize their own gain) is clearly not what built human sociability (families/tribes/communities). Not stopping to realize this shows how close our social assumptions are to anti-social Randian zealots; to dispel Capitalist Realism: Is There No Alternative? and revive social imagination, see Graeber’s Debt: The First 5,000 Years.
…This abstraction of labour (“value”) involves the Great Transformation from a “society with markets” (precapitalist, where markets were on the periphery) to a “market society” (capitalism); here I’m referring to the accessible intro Talking to My Daughter About the Economy: or, How Capitalism Works—and How It Fails, channeling The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time, on how capitalism required State violence during the Enclosures' privatization of the Commons to create the land market (to grow wool for the rising global market) and thus the labour market (from those dispossessed of land thus forced to sell their own labour).
...Marx describes how precapitalist personal landed property (“no land without its master”) became capitalist impersonal property (“money has no master”). Marx returns to this in the last part of the book, critiquing Smith’s so-called “primitive accumulation” (convenient assumption that capitalists got their capital from savings/hard work, thus the idyllic original accumulation) by describing the top-down violent dispossession of the domestic Enclosures (The Invention of Capitalism: Classical Political Economy and the Secret History of Primitive Accumulation) and even colonial enclosures (Perilous Passage: Mankind and the Global Ascendancy of Capital).
--Another way to conceptualize the Great Transformation:
(i) C-M-C: precapitalist exchange of Commodity-for-Commodity (facilitated by Money). This is “selling in order to buy” because the end goal is the consumption of the Commodity (consuming its use-value). This end goal means the circulation stops, thus the inherent limits.
(ii) M-C-M’: “General Formula of Capital” where Money is invested for more Money (via producing and selling Commodity). This is “buying in order to sell” (speculation!) where the end is exchange-value (more Money), which starts another circulation of capital if re-invested. As David Harvey stresses, capital is a process that must be endless to survive (endless accumulation). Thus, the endless growth driving our existential ecological crises is at the heart of capitalism’s logic; economic growth = economic health under capitalism, even when the growth is viral/cancerous/self-destructive (must-read: Less is More: How Degrowth Will Save the World).
…speaking of speculation, M-M’ is also mentioned in the context of interest-bearing capital, and the contradictions of money fetishism: “The road to hell is paved with good intentions, and [the capitalist] might just as well have intended to make money without producing at all” (see: Another Now: Dispatches from an Alternative Present and The Bubble and Beyond).
...Note: the contradictions of money as means-of-exchange vs. store-of-wealth are surprisingly central in the Patnaiks’ Capital and Imperialism: Theory, History, and the Present.
--Capitalism’s value system treats the environment as a free gift (see The Corporation: The Pathological Pursuit of Profit and Power on capitalism externalizing costs by dumping it onto the environment). During Marx’s time, soil depletion was a major concern, where England was forced to import guano (seabird droppings from colonized islands) as fertilizer; Marx also mentions the disturbance of the metabolic relationship between humans and the environment from capitalist urbanization, spurring Ecological Marxism (Facing the Anthropocene: Fossil Capitalism and the Crisis of the Earth System).
…see the comments below for the 2nd half of the review (Volume 1’s focus on Capitalist Production)!
Preamble:
--Friedrich Engels apparently called this book “the Bible of the working class” (which I believe was, in part, tongue in cheek, coming from a secular historical materialist), so I’m also referencing this tongue in cheek. I might add that Marx's “opium of the people” quote on religion had nuance, and my favourite quote comes from an advocate of Liberation Theology (Hélder Câmara):
When I give food to the poor, they call me a saint.--When COVID shutdowns started, my “Economic Development” class with Jim Glassman was in its last weeks. Foreseeing that I would really miss the campus group-learning environment, I decided to start a Goodreads study group. I’ve always been disappointed with how little engagement there is on Goodreads for critical nonfiction compared with fiction. Where else can you find folks from all over the world reading the same obscure books?! Members who read critical nonfiction tend to just track their reading, while the few extended discussions are often siloed in one-on-one messaging.
When I ask why the poor have no food, they call me a communist.
--So, I really wanted a project for us to work on together, in depth, and what better book than Marx’s infamous Capital Volume 1 to bring us together? We ended up dividing into 3 meeting groups for different time-zones and reading paces, and each group has provided rewarding experiences. Check out Carlos Martinez’s interviews to inspire our efforts:
-with Vijay Prashad: https://youtu.be/BgiKOlMjUoo
-with Radhika Desai: https://youtu.be/8EkpdYH0Bhg
--Many leftists only read the The Communist Manifesto (indeed, same goes for the opposition, at least those who bother to read), a political pamphlet Marx/Engels wrote when they were age 29/27 in the wake of the Revolutions of 1848 (“A specter is haunting Europe”… “you have nothing to lose but your chains!”); after the revolutions were co-opted by the bourgeoisie, Marx/Engels’ later preface explains how they left the Manifesto unaltered as a historical record.
--Marx’s Capital project, on the other hand, was a sober, lifelong academic pursuit. Marx had planned some 5-6 “books”, each with multiple volumes. He only finished Volume 1 (1,000+ pages) of the 1st book, with Engels piecing together Volume 2, 3, and 4(?) from Marx’s mountain of notes. The minority who make it through Volume 1 really drop off for the subsequent volumes, which are fragmented and dominated by Marx’s dry accounting style (whereas Volume 1 also features Marx’s literary depth and biting critique).
--Academic: which opposition has taken Classical political economy idols Adam Smith/David Ricardo etc. more seriously/extensively than Marx? …Certainly not today’s “mainstream Economics”, i.e. Neoclassical (“anti-Classical” according to Michael Hudson/Anwar Shaikh), where status quo shilling devolves into simply quoting the “Invisible Hand” passage without context (Smith’s The Theory of Moral Sentiments, not to mention capitalism evolving beyond petty shopkeepers of butchers/bakers/brewers, face-palm) while deliberately rejecting Classical foundations (class distinctions/struggle, labour theory of value, economic rent, historical change, turbulent competition, etc.).
Highlights:
--I ended up splitting Volume 1 into 2 halves: Market Circulation and Production. Throughout, Marx is particularly interested in uncovering capitalism’s:
(i) Abstractions: historical social relations (i.e. power relations, interactions for social needs) that are hidden, where the surface appears as natural (physical/human nature) thus inevitable (crucial for social consent!).
(ii) Contradictions: potential sources of crises.
1) Capitalism’s Value system; Market Circulation of Capital:
--With the first sentences, we immediately get a sense that we’re reading the interaction between a science textbook (chemistry’s Periodic Table) and philosophical treatise (theory of value): “The wealth of societies in which the capitalist mode of production prevails appears as an ‘immense collection of commodities’; the individual commodity appears as its elementary form. Our investigation therefore begins with the analysis of the commodity.”
--Note: Marx mimics scientific reductionism where simplifying assumptions are made to “turn off” certain parts in order to isolate and discover other parts (see The New Economics: A Manifesto for a useful distinction between this vs. the “constructionism” of utopic mainstream economics making “domain assumptions”). Thus, it’s a crucial challenge to keep track of what assumptions are at play throughout the book (and the entire Capital project).
…Starting with the commodity, Marx distinguishes its:
(i) Use-value: satisfies human wants/needs; a quality.
(ii) Exchange-value: the economic gain from selling something on the market, represented by price; a quantity.
…How these contradicting natures manifest in various scenarios is carefully unraveled, where market exchange prioritizes exchange-value while abstracting use-value (it’s difficult to compare heterogeneous qualities).
--Given the heterogeneous qualities of the commodities exchanged, the (general) commonality between commodities is both are products of labour; thus, Marx starts with the Classical Smith/Ricardo “labour theory of value”. However, Marx emphasizes that labour here must also be abstracted (heterogeneous labour becomes homogeneous; Marx calls the result “value”).
--We can theoretically measure “value” as “socially necessary labour-time” (the normal labour-time the society requires to produce the commodity), foreshadowing another contradiction: increase productivity = increase use-value produced (more commodities) but decrease “value” (shorter socially necessary labour-time needed, thus labour-power and the commodity are cheapened; see later).
--Private labour becomes social labour since it is now producing for social use (sold on ever-expanding market), but this social labour is contradicted by the relation only being via market exchange, thus indirect (sold to strangers). This stranger-to-stranger relation is mediated by the commodity sold/bought, resulting in “commodity fetishism” where social labour is concealed/objectified in the commodity itself. Just think of how visible the commodity/its price are, compared to all the labour relations/conditions throughout the commodity chain (let alone environmental conditions)!
--Let’s add some anthropology: despite economists trying to naturalize market exchange (esp. convenient thought-experiments of how human social relations started with barter), the actual mechanisms of market exchange (instantaneous exchange between strangers competing to maximize their own gain) is clearly not what built human sociability (families/tribes/communities). Not stopping to realize this shows how close our social assumptions are to anti-social Randian zealots; to dispel Capitalist Realism: Is There No Alternative? and revive social imagination, see Graeber’s Debt: The First 5,000 Years.
…This abstraction of labour (“value”) involves the Great Transformation from a “society with markets” (precapitalist, where markets were on the periphery) to a “market society” (capitalism); here I’m referring to the accessible intro Talking to My Daughter About the Economy: or, How Capitalism Works—and How It Fails, channeling The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time, on how capitalism required State violence during the Enclosures' privatization of the Commons to create the land market (to grow wool for the rising global market) and thus the labour market (from those dispossessed of land thus forced to sell their own labour).
...Marx describes how precapitalist personal landed property (“no land without its master”) became capitalist impersonal property (“money has no master”). Marx returns to this in the last part of the book, critiquing Smith’s so-called “primitive accumulation” (convenient assumption that capitalists got their capital from savings/hard work, thus the idyllic original accumulation) by describing the top-down violent dispossession of the domestic Enclosures (The Invention of Capitalism: Classical Political Economy and the Secret History of Primitive Accumulation) and even colonial enclosures (Perilous Passage: Mankind and the Global Ascendancy of Capital).
--Another way to conceptualize the Great Transformation:
(i) C-M-C: precapitalist exchange of Commodity-for-Commodity (facilitated by Money). This is “selling in order to buy” because the end goal is the consumption of the Commodity (consuming its use-value). This end goal means the circulation stops, thus the inherent limits.
(ii) M-C-M’: “General Formula of Capital” where Money is invested for more Money (via producing and selling Commodity). This is “buying in order to sell” (speculation!) where the end is exchange-value (more Money), which starts another circulation of capital if re-invested. As David Harvey stresses, capital is a process that must be endless to survive (endless accumulation). Thus, the endless growth driving our existential ecological crises is at the heart of capitalism’s logic; economic growth = economic health under capitalism, even when the growth is viral/cancerous/self-destructive (must-read: Less is More: How Degrowth Will Save the World).
…speaking of speculation, M-M’ is also mentioned in the context of interest-bearing capital, and the contradictions of money fetishism: “The road to hell is paved with good intentions, and [the capitalist] might just as well have intended to make money without producing at all” (see: Another Now: Dispatches from an Alternative Present and The Bubble and Beyond).
...Note: the contradictions of money as means-of-exchange vs. store-of-wealth are surprisingly central in the Patnaiks’ Capital and Imperialism: Theory, History, and the Present.
--Capitalism’s value system treats the environment as a free gift (see The Corporation: The Pathological Pursuit of Profit and Power on capitalism externalizing costs by dumping it onto the environment). During Marx’s time, soil depletion was a major concern, where England was forced to import guano (seabird droppings from colonized islands) as fertilizer; Marx also mentions the disturbance of the metabolic relationship between humans and the environment from capitalist urbanization, spurring Ecological Marxism (Facing the Anthropocene: Fossil Capitalism and the Crisis of the Earth System).
…see the comments below for the 2nd half of the review (Volume 1’s focus on Capitalist Production)!
Sign into Goodreads to see if any of your friends have read
Capital.
Sign In »
Quotes The Conspiracy is Capitalism Liked
“There is no royal road to science, and only those who do not dread the fatiguing climb of its steep paths have a chance of gaining its luminous summits.”
― Capital: A Critique of Political Economy Volume 1
― Capital: A Critique of Political Economy Volume 1
“within the capitalist system all methods for raising the social productiveness of labour are brought about at the cost of the individual labourer; all means for the development of production transform themselves into means of domination over, and exploitation of, the producers; they mutilate the labourer into a fragment of a man, degrade him to the level of an appendage of a machine, destroy every remnant of charm in his work and turn it into a hated toil; they estrange from him the intellectual potentialities of the labour process in the same proportion as science is incorporated in it as an independent power; they distort the conditions under which he works, subject him during the labour process to a despotism the more hateful for its meanness; they transform his life-time into working-time, and drag his wife and child beneath the wheels of the Juggernaut of capital. But all methods for the production of surplus-value are at the same time methods of accumulation; and every extension of accumulation becomes again a means for the development of those methods. It follows therefore that in proportion as capital accumulates, the lot of the labourer, be his payment high or low, must grow worse. The law, finally, that always equilibrates the relative surplus population, or industrial reserve army, to the extent and energy of accumulation, this law rivets the labourer to capital more firmly than the wedges of Vulcan did Prometheus to the rock. It establishes an accumulation of misery, corresponding with accumulation of capital. Accumulation of wealth at one pole is, therefore, at the same time accumulation of misery, agony of toil slavery, ignorance, brutality, mental degradation, at the opposite pole, i.e., on the side of the class that produces its own product in the form of capital.”
― Capital: A Critique of Political Economy Volume 1
― Capital: A Critique of Political Economy Volume 1
Reading Progress
July 29, 2017
– Shelved
August 9, 2019
–
Started Reading
November 27, 2020
–
0.0%
""Capitalist production, therefore, develops technology, and the combining together of various processes into a social whole, only by sapping the original sources of all wealth-the soil and the labourer.”"
November 27, 2020
–
0.0%
""Moreover, the capitalist gets rich, not like the miser, in proportion to his personal labour and restricted consumption, but at the same rate as he squeezes out the labourpower of others, and enforces on the labourer abstinence from all life’s enjoyments.""
November 28, 2020
–
0.0%
"[Capitalist production and capitalist private property] have for their fundamental condition the annihilation of self-earned private property; in other words, the expropriation of the labourer [primitive accumulation, esp. of peasants and small artisans]""
May 15, 2022
–
Finished Reading
Comments Showing 1-50 of 58 (58 new)
message 2:
by
The Conspiracy is Capitalism
(last edited May 30, 2022 04:53PM)
(new)
-
rated it 5 stars
--Marx considers the progression of technology from precapitalist production (“manufacture” handicraft/guilds etc.) to capitalist large-scale industry (factories):(i) Division of labour: this was the focus of Smith, as mechanization had not advanced to the stage of Marx’s focus. Once again, we see the contradictory socialization of production under capitalism: on the one hand, the concentration of social labour via cooperation (Graeber’s “baseline communism” i.e. from-each-according-to-their-abilities-to-each-according-to-their-needs cooperation that actually gets work done within capitalist firms, rather than supply-demand market exchanges); on the other hand, capitalist firms are driven by profit for capitalists rather than social/workers' needs.
(ii) Mechanization: Marx’s focus was on the machinery of the “Industrial Revolution”, where “It is no longer the worker who employs the means of production, but the means of production which employ the worker. […] this inversion, indeed this distortion, which is peculiar to and characteristic of capitalist production, of the relation between dead labour and living labour […]”.
…here we find a major contradiction of capitalist technology:
(i) On the one hand, there’s the aforementioned concentration of social cooperation, with now the added rational science that breaks previous hierarchical superstitions (with the accompanying education and the potential for the “full development” of the labourer); "Modern industry never views or treats the existing form of a production process as the definitive one. Its technical basis is therefore revolutionary, whereas all earlier modes of production were essentially conservative."
(ii) On the other hand, this science serves capitalism to reproduce capitalist social relations (for-profit; labourers selling their labour-power since they are devoid of the means of production); the labourers (especially the masses that are not the engineers) thus become mere appendages of the machine (ex. the machine dictates the intensity of the production process). Marx foresaw the domination of scientific management/Taylorism/Fordist assembly line, where workers become “crippled monstrosity” (channelling the social context behind Frankenstein) and suffer from the “industrial pathology” of deskilling and ever-more alienation from the accelerating production process (Charlie Chaplin factory scene).
...given capitalist logic/social relations are hidden, mainstream views fetishize this acceleration as a result of some vague notion of “technology” (more on technology fetishism later).
message 3:
by
The Conspiracy is Capitalism
(last edited May 18, 2022 03:53PM)
(new)
-
rated it 5 stars
--Marx categorizes:(i) “Constant capital”: machinery/raw materials; dead labour.
(ii) “Variable capital”: labour-power; living labour.
...where the former only transfers the “value” created by the latter. The labourer sells their “labour-power” (their ability to labour) ahead of time (production process); the capitalist can then work the labourer beyond the time needed to match their cost (wage paid for their “value”; the “value” of labour-power is the socially necessary time to reproduce the commodities needed to reproduce the labourer). By working the labourer beyond this “necessary labour-time”, the remainder is the “surplus labour-time” to generate the “surplus-value” (the capitalist profit, the growth of M-C-M’, the bottom line for capitalism since it’s not a charity to pay labourers).
…Marx then puts on his journalist hat and details the class struggles over the length of the working day (including child labour, the relay system of night-work), a good reminder of how the dispossession and forced relocations into “dark satanic mills” of capitalism worsened the living standards of the masses until they were able to collectively mobilize socialist resistance for social needs, reviving the Commons (public sanitation, workplace safety, etc.):
-ex. “Twelve working hours a day in the ‘Ideal Workhouse’, the ‘House of Terror’ of 1770! 63 years later, in 1833, when the English Parliament reduced the working day for children of 13 to 18 years to 12 full hours, in four branches of industry, the Day of Judgement seemed to have dawned for English industry!”
-ex. “The manufacturers, however, did not allow this ‘progress’ [12 hour working day] without a compensating ‘retrogression’. At their instigation the House of Commons reduced the minimum age for exploitable children from 9 to 8, in order to ensure that ‘additional supply of factory children’ which is owed to the capitalists, according to divine and human law.”
message 4:
by
The Conspiracy is Capitalism
(last edited May 18, 2022 04:27PM)
(new)
-
rated it 5 stars
--Marx considers 2 ways to extract surplus-value:(i) Absolute surplus-value: increasing the mass of surplus labour-time (i.e.. by increasing the working day).
(ii) Relative surplus-value: increasing the rate of productivity by shortening the necessary labour-time. While there are gains from better division of labour, mechanization becomes the dominating factor here. It’s important to note that since capitalist technology is driven by profit, if it is not profitable (i.e. there’s plenty of cheap labour, so machines are more costly) then it won’t be adopted regardless of social needs (ex. today’s India’s manual sewage cleaning).
…We arrive at a curious contradiction: shortening the necessary labour-time on the whole cheapens labour-power, which on the whole cheapens the value of commodities. Why would capitalists want to cheapen the commodities they produce in the big picture/long-term? Capitalism is run by individual capitalists seeking their own profit. An individual capitalist can temporarily gain extra surplus-value by selling at the current social value while their new production process required less necessary labour-time. Competition forces other capitalists to adopt this new production process, eventually updating the socially necessary labour-time and eliminating this temporary extra surplus-value (and thus cheapening labour-power and commodities on the whole).
--With all the mechanization, why are there still such long working hours (esp. relative to productivity)? The capitalist goal is not to reduce working hours (which would be the socialist use of machinery: more leisure time to enjoy life); the capitalist goal is to shorten necessary labour-time in order to increase surplus labour-time (the time in which labour works for the capitalist for free to generate surplus-value for the capitalist’s endless private accumulation). Capitalist automation, rather than promising leisure, threatens structural unemployment which in the capitalist world means rust belts/opioid crises/rise of fascist scapegoating.
…Consider the curious situation where the unemployed are not re-absorbed, while the employed are worked more intensely with the threat of unemployment. Harvey notes that machines and their increasingly-intense production process must be kept running (ex. Marx detailing the relay system) or else capitalists will not even recover the machine's costs before they are rendered obsolete by competition, although Harvey notes that Marx’s presentation of the inevitability of the centralized factory system neglects the flexibility advantages of the “manufacture”/petty production/putting-out system (which Marx did acknowledge, i.e. reduced overlay costs...); we see this in today’s decentralized subcontracting/just-in-time production/“gig economy”, held together by capitalist “intellectual property” laws and technologies of satellites/databases/container shipping).
...“Hence too the economic paradox that the most powerful instrument for reducing labour-time suffers a dialectical inversion and becomes the most unfailing means for turning the whole lifetime of the worker and his family into labour-time at capital’s disposal for its own valorization.”
--Thus, we’ve arrived at the “industrial reserve army of labour”/“relative surplus working population”, where automation brings increased precarity. The reason Marx identified what might seem like a modern phenomenon is because Western labour was able to win some concessions especially after WWII, so this threat was pushed mostly on the Global South (“Capital and Imperialism: Theory, History, and the Present”) until Neoliberalism in the 1970’s re-introduced this back to the Global North ("The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class"). This contradicts the idyllic supply/demand perfect equilibrium of the capitalist labour market envisioned by economists which supposedly prevents unemployment, if only the markets are kept "free" (well, turning society into casino speculation, what could go wrong?!); Marx notes the class power where capitalists rule both supply and demand of labour. If there are few labourers, capitalists can still increase absolute/relative surplus-value detailed above. If there are too many labourers, there is no automatic absorption (bourgeois economists’ “Compensation Theory”) since the unemployed are useful for capitalist class power to discipline/threaten the employed etc. As expected, Marx uproots the historical social relations, whereas mainstream apologists only project their confirmation bias onto the mirrored surfaces (ex. Malthusian "overpopulation"/"human nature" myths; see “Too Many People?: Population, Immigration, and the Environmental Crisis ”).
message 5:
by
The Conspiracy is Capitalism
(last edited May 16, 2022 01:18PM)
(new)
-
rated it 5 stars
--Of course, capitalism requires labourers dispossessed (the Enclosures, colonialism, slavery) of the means of production. Otherwise, who would want to sell their life to anti-social assholes who worship the likes of Malthus/Bentham/Rand/Friedman?! Marx gives the hilarious example of what happens when labourers have another social option (sadly, it’s settler colonialism in Australia in this case): A Mr Peel, he complains, took with him from England to the Swan River district of Western Australia means of subsistence and of production to the amount of £50,000. This Mr Peel even had the foresight to bring besides, 3,000 persons of the working class, men, women and children. Once he arrived at his destination, ‘Mr Peel was left without a servant to make his bed or fetch him water from the river.’ Unhappy Mr Peel, who provided for everything except the export of English relations of production to Swan River!--Meanwhile, the capitalist changes from:
(i) Early-stage hybrid capitalist/labourer “small master”: adopts the precapitalist production process (think today’s “small business”/rags-to-riches entrepreneur mythology), to…
(ii) Many losing to a few concentrated capitalists who become “personified capital”: hiring supervisors to ensure regularity in labour and proper intensity (the whole point of “passive income”, which used to be called “unearned income” or “economic rent”, is for money to grow on trees: M-M’).
--Harvey describes technology fetishism under capitalism, given the contradiction where:
(i) Technological mechanization (increasing constant capital > variable capital, as living labour becomes replaced with dead labour) increases relative surplus-value due to productivity gains.
(ii) However, variable capital is still the source of value creation. Given productivity increases, capitalists fetishize the machine as the source of value creation.
…This results in the infamous “Tendency for the Rate of Profit to Fall” (TRPF) crisis theory, where the debates are heated (ex. Varoufakis takes a more philosophical approach in supporting TRPF in “Modern Political Economics: Making Sense of the Post-2008 World”; Shaikh prioritizes profit rate but seems to reject the rise of constant capital as the source of general crisis; Hudson rejects TRPF citing Volume 4 where Marx apparently recognizes the importance of mass given expanding production; Harvey follows a similar approach emphasizing profit mass over rate, i.e. 1% of $1 million > 1000% of $1).
…A simpler conclusion is the social crisis of the mounting reserve army due to rising productivity via mechanization. “This is the absolute general law of capitalist accumulation. Like all other laws, it is modified in its working by many circumstances, the analysis of which does not concern us here.” The ending disclaimer reminds us of Volume 1’s assumptions, including assuming away realization problems, but it’s obvious that capitalism’s growing productivity means overproduction when labourers are automated away from having purchasing power, thus the commodities cannot be purchased. Thus, the centrality of demand-management for capitalism, from the pervasive advertising industry to the military-industrial-complex, to somehow keep up with the perpetual (and exponential!) capitalist growth (finite planet be damned!).
In every stock-jobbing swindle everyone knows that some time or other the crash must come, but everyone hopes that it may fall on the head of his neighbour, after he himself has caught the shower of gold and placed it in secure hands. Après moi le déluge! [after me the flood!] is the watchword of every capitalist and of every capitalist nation. Capital therefore takes no account of the health and the length of life of the worker, unless society forces it to do so.
message 6:
by
The Conspiracy is Capitalism
(last edited May 16, 2022 01:19PM)
(new)
-
rated it 5 stars
--Now, we arrive at the contradiction of the State as:(i) A means of regulating capitalism to reproduce capitalism, given the self-destructive tendencies of individual capitalists amidst the anarchy of the market (Après moi le déluge!); regulations bring stability and can provide barriers-of-entry benefiting established capitalists.
(ii) An arena of class struggle, including alliances with those who are not direct capitalists (i.e. expanding social services, which can be seen as reviving the Commons, thus reversing capitalist Enclosures): “[…] our [Germany/Continental Western Europe] governments and parliaments periodically appointed commissions of inquiry into economic conditions [as England did]; if these commissions were armed with the same plenary powers to get at the truth [as England]; if it were possible to find for this purpose men as competent, as free from partisanship and respect of persons as are England’s factory inspectors, her medical reporters on public health, her commissioners of inquiry into the exploitation of women and children, into conditions of housing and nourishment, and so on.”
…The enlightened Keynesian reformism during the horrors of the endless Great Depression and the most destructive war in human history (WWII) was a compromise which built the Western living standards taken for granted as capitalism’s innovation. Historically, capitalists are much more anti-social towards the masses; Marx reveals the utter hypocrisy of capitalists fearing social planning will turn society into a despotic factory, knowing the planning capitalists use in their own factories! Thus, the curious reference to Marx’s "The Poverty of Philosophy": “‘It can… be laid down as a general rule that the less authority presides over the division of labour inside society, the more the division of labour develops inside the workshop, and the more it is subjected there to the authority of a single person. Thus authority in the workshop and authority in society, in relation to the division of labour, are in inverse ratio to each other’”.
The Missing: --Once again, we return to Marx’s astonishing rigour, the many assumptions taken to isolate and unearth certain parts, and how much is left unfinished in his Capital project and beyond: “Beginnings are always difficult in all sciences. […] Why? Because the complete body is easier to study than its cells. Moreover, in the analysis of economic forms neither microscopes nor chemical reagents are of assistance. The power of abstraction must replace both.
--Once Marx emerges from his abstract scientific reductionism, we get plenty of interesting historical fragments that need further investigation (check out my other reviews for further developments in analyzing imperialism, Finance capitalism, State/military industrial complex, ecosocialism, social reproduction/care-work, systems theory, information technology/automation, etc.):
-ex. “By ruining handicraft production in other countries, machinery forcibly converts them into fields for the supply of its raw material. […] modern industry, in all countries where it has taken root, gives a spur to emigration and to the colonisation of foreign lands, which are thereby converted into settlements for growing the raw material of the mother country; just as Australia, for example, was converted into a colony for growing wool. A new and international division of labour, a division suited to the requirements of the chief centres of modern industry springs up, and converts one part of the globe into a chiefly agricultural field of production, for supplying the other part which remains a chiefly industrial field.”
-ex. “World history offers no spectacle more frightful than the gradual extinction of the English hand-loom weavers […] In India, on the other hand, the English cotton machinery produced an acute effect. The Governor General reported as follows in 1834–5: ‘The misery hardly finds a parallel in the history of commerce. The bones of the cotton-weavers are bleaching the plains of India.’ […] But in any case, since machinery is continually seizing on new fields of production, its ‘temporary’ effect is really permanent.”
-ex. “The discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation, enslavement and entombment in mines of the aboriginal population, the beginning of the conquest and looting of the East Indies, the turning of Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins, signalized the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist production. These idyllic proceedings are the chief momenta of primitive accumulation. On their heels treads the commercial war of the European nations, with the globe for a theatre. It begins with the revolt of the Netherlands from Spain, assumes giant dimensions in England’s Anti-Jacobin War, and is still going on in the opium wars against China, etc.”
-ex. “In the United States of America, every independent workers’ movement was paralysed as long as slavery disfigured a part of the republic. Labour in a white skin cannot emancipate itself where it is branded in a black skin. However, a new life immediately arose from the death of slavery. The first fruit of the American Civil War was the eight hours’ agitation […]”
-ex. “These different moments [of primitive accumulation] are systematically combined together at the end of the seventeenth century in England; the combination embraces the colonies, the national debt [and Bank of England], the modern tax system, and the system of protection [trade protectionism]. These methods depend in part on brute force, for instance the colonial system. But they all employ the power of the state, the concentrated and organized force of society, to hasten, as in a hothouse, the process of transformation of the feudal mode of production into the capitalist mode, and to shorten the transition. Force is the midwife of every old society which is pregnant with a new one. It is itself an economic power.”
Elan wrote: "congrats man! how long did it take to read?"Cheers Elan! There were 3 groups, 1 took about 1/2 year, another 1 year, and another 1.5 years and still going :)
It took me about 3/4 year, alongside Harvey's companion lectures (2007, 2019) and "Marx's Capital: An Introductory Reader" by Indian Marxists.
ZIMMERS wrote: "what coincidence it would be that i read it out the same day you dropped a review!"Another gem to add to your impressive 2022 list :)
Carolien wrote: "Amazing reading project! I hope the group structure enabled the discussions you wanted."For sure, Carolien! It was the silver lining to the lockdowns; we got to really learn together and build off our various interests/backgrounds, and we're still in touch :)
Just as a side-note, Massimo de Angelis also defined the "commons circuit" as C-M-C. Aside from the central issue of the book -- surplus labor time and its extraction -- I always saw Capital vol. 1 as a huge treasury of information on things like the history of primitive accumulation, the capitalist political motivations behind 10 Hour Day legislation, etc....
Kevin wrote: "Just as a side-note, Massimo de Angelis also defined the "commons circuit" as C-M-C. Aside from the central issue of the book -- surplus labor time and its extraction -- I always saw Capital vol. 1..."Makes sense! I remember seeing Graeber's positive review of a book by de Angelis here on Goodreads, thanks for the reminder.
What's your critique of Marx's presentation of surplus labour-time and exploitation?
I don't think I have one, except I don't treat it as primarily a microeconomic theory as do many neo-Ricardian types, so I don't think stuff like the "transformation problem" is really a problem. I prefer to look at it as a simple description of actual power relations between employers and workers, and the imperatives faced by the former, against the background of primitive accumulation.
vol. 1 is filled with such great, poetic writing, but less talked about: how sassy marx is, biting, sarcastic humor throughout. david harvey's lectures were essential for me, currently doing his vol. 2 series at a snail's pace (no sass, all science, by comparison)
Kevin wrote: "I don't think I have one, except I don't treat it as primarily a microeconomic theory as do many neo-Ricardian types, so I don't think stuff like the "transformation problem" is really a problem. I..."Ah, I see. yes, I also prioritize the macro political economy parts > microeconomic accounting parts, especially given how deep in abstraction much of Volume 1 remains (thus many more factors need to be synthesized in order to apply).
The only scholar that I currently follow who really dives into the latter and tries to synthesize the two via microfoundations is Anwar Shaikh; I do find it useful comparing Shaikh's views/approaches against Varoufakis/Hudson/the Patnaiks/Harvey etc.
pugs wrote: "vol. 1 is filled with such great, poetic writing, but less talked about: how sassy marx is, biting, sarcastic humor throughout. david harvey's lectures were essential for me, currently doing his vo..."Absolutely! I was collecting them in a "Marx's diss tracks (greatest hits)" thread in our study group.
Harvey's lectures are indeed very helpful (on x1.4 speed haha), and I quite enjoyed the ones on Volume 2 (the actual text I've mostly skipped so far). I think I'll start Volume 3 before Harvey comes out with lectures for it; I actually heard him saying Grundrisse is more difficult, but then he goes and does lectures for that instead of Volume 3 smh.
Kevin wrote: "Kevin wrote: "I don't think I have one, except I don't treat it as primarily a microeconomic theory as do many neo-Ricardian types, so I don't think stuff like the "transformation problem" is reall..."I probably mentioned it in some other thread already, but Harry Cleaver said that in his readings course he assigns the material on primitive accumulation at the start and then goes back to the stuff on value and labor time from the beginning afterward, so that it's clear that the LTV isn't just an economic theory. It's a political/sociological theory of power relations, in which capitalist employers are maximizing the rate of extraction from a working population that has been placed under their power by systematically robbing them of all alternatives.
Kevin wrote: "Kevin wrote: "Kevin wrote: "I don't think I have one, except I don't treat it as primarily a microeconomic theory as do many neo-Ricardian types, so I don't think stuff like the "transformation pro..."Ah, I forgot it was Harry Cleaver you referenced, I can't remember where I first heard the idea but indeed our 3 reading groups each started with Part 8 Primitive Accumulation since we felt its historical approach would be easier to ease into rather than what Marx admits is the difficult abstractions of Ch.1-3.
The North American and European groups predictably breezed through Primitive Accumulation, while the group based mostly in India spent more time as the European historical context was more foreign.
One topic I've found particularly tricky is the generalizations Marx takes in his value theory regarding the value of labour-power, the whole socially-necessary labour-time/commodities required for the social reproduction of labour-power, and the cheapening of labour-power/commodities.
...Harvey highlights how Marx covers socially-necessary labour-time in like 3 pages, and I assume along with Marx's simplification of complex-to-simple labour there's also the free market assumption of free movement of labour between sectors. I wonder how the cheapening of labour-power/commodities looks once we include the noise of historical power relations of different sectors etc. The Patnaik's theory of imperialism differentiating the Global South reserve army from Marx's (generalized) industrial reserve army is a striking example.
Yeah, there's a lot to be gained IMO by discarding any intent of getting a theory of price formation out of Marx's theory of surplus value, just accepting that capital does extract surplus value as a result of the power relations, and then tracing the effects from there.The Indian group would probably have benefited from just mentally substituting the history of Warren Hastings and the Permanent Settlement, and other colonial abrogations of Native customary land rights in the colonized world. That would be Freirean as all fuck.
Kevin wrote: "Yeah, there's a lot to be gained IMO by discarding any intent of getting a theory of price formation out of Marx's theory of surplus value, just accepting that capital does extract surplus value as..."Have you seen the video on youtube "Yanis Varoufakis: Confessions of an Erratic Marxist /// 14th May 2013"?
...I've been very influenced by Varoufakis' approach to Marxian economics (I'd love to hear him debate Shaikh). In the video, he echoes your sentiment by criticizing Marx's rigidity in "Value, Price and Profit" (trying to scientifically prove that rising wages can only cut profits but will not lead to price inflation), especially since Marx already recognized the dynamic contradictions within capitalism (I think we can see this increasing from his youthful Communist Manifesto days to his latest Volume 3 notes).
...and yet, Varoufakis still uses Marx's TRPF as one lens to examine macro issues. I'm also interested in learning various forms of accounting in order to recognize their uses and (particularly) their limitations, but I agree the rabbit hole of Marxian price formation seems avoidable.
India: good point. I imagine the earliest feudal context was the most foreign. Also, I was really intrigued with Marx's mentions of the Bank of England and national debt, if only he didn't spend so much of his life being side-tracked by rather trivial critiques and just focused on his Capital project...
I'm afraid I haven't. I'll probably be reading heavily from him, Keene and Hudson when I get to researching the crisis tendencies of global capitalism for the book I'm working on.
Kevin wrote: "I'm afraid I haven't. I'll probably be reading heavily from him, Keene and Hudson when I get to researching the crisis tendencies of global capitalism for the book I'm working on."Whoa, I'm curious how you'll structure this topic, given your background....
--I've gone through Varoufakis/Hudson/Keen, who all hover around Marx/Keynes/Minsky/Schumpeter (for Keen), although the first 2 definitely incorporate way more geopolitics (Varoufakis = trade surplus recycling; Hudson = dollar hegemony/military spending etc.).
--I let Shaikh represent the best of Marxist economics microfoundations, although in a TRPF conversation I was recently reminded to catch up on Andrew Kliman (and thus Robert Brenner, etc.).
--Of course the World Systems folks. And since I always worry the Global South is neglected, the Patnaiks (ex. their framing of the Great Depression stemming from the loss of the global triangular colonial system led by Britain in "Capital and Imperialism: Theory, History, and the Present", a fantastic chapter where they compare this with other crisis theories!
Kevin wrote: "Kevin wrote: "I'm afraid I haven't. I'll probably be reading heavily from him, Keene and Hudson when I get to researching the crisis tendencies of global capitalism for the book I'm working on."W..."
Instead of "crisis tendencies," I should have phrased it as points of vulnerability, or Systempunkts in John Robb's terms.
message 27:
by
The Conspiracy is Capitalism
(last edited May 18, 2022 11:23PM)
(new)
-
rated it 5 stars
Kevin wrote: "Kevin wrote: "Kevin wrote: "I'm afraid I haven't. I'll probably be reading heavily from him, Keene and Hudson when I get to researching the crisis tendencies of global capitalism for the book I'm w..."So your research topic is focusing on current global capitalism then? Coincidentally I just stumbled across "Choke Points: Logistics Workers Disrupting the Global Supply Chain", a topic I really wanted to learn more about. What did you make of Varoufakis' "Another Now" hacktivists sabotaging financial instruments? (perhaps a miniature right-libertarian version of it played out with r/wallstreetbets?)
It's a fairly open-ended project on national security issues from an anarchist POV. patreon DOT com/posts/update-on-65263800It's been a while since I read Another Now, so I'd have to revisit it. But that's definitely the kind of thing I like.
message 29:
by
The Conspiracy is Capitalism
(last edited May 19, 2022 09:47PM)
(new)
-
rated it 5 stars
Kevin wrote: "It's a fairly open-ended project on national security issues from an anarchist POV. patreon DOT com/posts/update-on-65263800It's been a while since I read Another Now, so I'd have to revisit it. B..."
Good thing with detailed book reviews is I can later use them as notes:
1) A lot of financial wealth today is made from gambling CDOs (collateral debt obligations), which package different types of debts and sell based on the assumption that diversity makes them a safer bet.
2) CDO's original purpose was to off-load bad debt onto gullible buyers. But financiers soon realized they can make much more just bidding up CDOs (buying back and re-selling)! Their complexity makes it difficult to set a value, thus the market goes wild as they become perfect for gambling (potentially unlimited market price)! So banks borrow from each other to buy CDOs and re-sell! Once again, short-term greed triumphs over long term sustainability/systemic risk!
3) Most importantly, financiers know that when the bubbles burst, they get bailed out and the politicians they bought will refloat the financial markets with liquidity via central banks.
4) The privatization process meant that utility companies have been privatized, thus these companies profit from phone/water/electricity bills of residents/small businesses.
5) Finance Capitalism has meant debts have been turned into CDOs ("securitization"). So, these utility bills are pre-sold (the right to collect future payments) to financiers, who then put them into CDOs and sell them in financial markets.
6) Crowd-shorting ("shorting" is confusing because this is not a "short" in the financial sense of profiting from the fall in an asset's value; this is more like "short-circuiting" by crashing CDO asset values entirely): if we can unpick the CDOs (calling all hackavists!) to find out which utility bills are in which CDOs, we can coordinate low-cost short-term targeted utility bill payment strikes ("crowd shorting") to explode these CDOs, crashing CDO markets and spilling into the rest of the stock markets.
7) Central banks cannot refloat the trillions of dollars in the CDO markets (because CDOs have been gambled at such outrageous prices) and bailout private utility companies, which they would need to do repeatedly since crowd-shorting can be repeated.
8) This paralysis of the financial system in the age of Finance Capitalism, similar to the general strike in the age of national Industrial Capitalism, opens the door for widespread public demands (ex. public banking... and converting back to public utilities).
The utilities nonpayment is just the trigger to detonate the systemic risk. The point is for the public to control this trigger rather than having system risk implode accidentally by the market (in which case obviously the elite will always be the last to sink and many can still get off with golden parachutes).
The billions/trillions gambled in the CDO market is obviously not from the utilities debt payment itself, but in the mechanisms of the CDO (complexity of mixing utilities debt with other debts and then gambling on the packages to astronomical prices; indeed, it's an unsustainable Ponzi scheme)! So, even if utilities payments are eventually forced after the CDOs have crashed, this cannot resolve the crash because the gambling process is too severely interrupted; utilities payments are minimal compared to the value of the CDO's Ponzi scheme, and confidence in the Ponzi scheme has already collapsed. The trick is to control this severe interruption of the gambling process.
Yes, the CDOs have other debts mixed up in them, so this does require careful analysis to figure out which CDOs are most prone to such a strike. The reason utilities payment is a useful start is because these are a prominent debt owed by the public. The next strategy Varoufakis details (this time targeting corporations) is pension fund strikes, since pension funds are the huge shareholders of corporations.
Varoufakis also has a 2021/01/28 article "Did we see yesterday something like Another Now's Crowdshorters in action defending Gamestop? You be the judge".
Jayjaypl wrote: "but cultural marxism is finished, right?"Do you mean the right-wing antisemitic hoax? (By your phrasing with "but", I hope you don't think a right-wing hoax is part of Marxism/leftism?).
Under capitalism, with its systematic divide-and-rule inequity + boom-bust volatility, there will also be a role for scapegoating by far-right shills/opportunists.
Indeed, there has been a recent revival (Global Trumpism) given the non-recovery since the 2008 Financial crisis, i.e. continued global under-investment/underemployment, while the hoarded wealth is gambled on financial markets thus high private debt/asset prices (esp. housing)/volatility (capital flight), which makes immigration (visible, compared to abstract Finance) an easy target. This includes climate refugees and the threat of ecofascism.
Con-artists (and zealots) take advantage of such capitalist crises using Nazist scapegoating while avoiding the structural issues. Liberal capitalist status quo are relieved by this structural avoidance, thus treating this more-vulgar attempt to restore capitalism with kid gloves.
why the hell antisimetic phrase is been used in this post? Ive come from country where a lot of things are PRO semitic [catholic country] even out nation should be more independent from socialism bullshit ideas.
message 34:
by
The Conspiracy is Capitalism
(last edited Jun 05, 2022 10:16PM)
(new)
-
rated it 5 stars
Jayjaypl wrote: "why the hell antisimetic phrase is been used in this post? Ive come from country where a lot of things are PRO semitic [catholic country] even out nation should be more independent from socialism b..."I'm not accusing you; that's why I'm asking you what you mean by "cultural marxism". There's even a wikipedia page on "Cultural Marxism conspiracy theory".
You asked me an unclear question. I cannot read minds; all I can do is start with the primary definition until you provide clarifications.
"Cultural marxism" is literally an antisemitic conspiracy theory promoted by William Lind. It's the successor to the equally bullshit "Judeo-Bolshevism" idea. Anyone who seriously refers to "cultural marxism" as a thing that actually exists is a right-wing crank. I was hoping Jayjaypl's initial reference to it was in the spirit of mockery, and not serious.
message 36:
by
The Conspiracy is Capitalism
(last edited Jun 06, 2022 12:12PM)
(new)
-
rated it 5 stars
Kevin wrote: ""Cultural marxism" is literally an antisemitic conspiracy theory promoted by William Lind. It's the successor to the equally bullshit "Judeo-Bolshevism" idea. Anyone who seriously refers to "cultur..."I can't read minds, but you read mine :)
Another reason to scorn opportunists/useful idiots/shills like Jordan Peterson introducing newcomers to political theory by abusing definitions like "Cultural Marxism". Honest dialogue requires at least the middle-ground of basic definitions, which this tactic disrupts.
Kind of reminds me of "Merchants of Doubt" disrupting the current scientific understanding of smoking/climate change/vaccines/AIDS, etc.
It's particularly difficult when these types are the first resources you encounter, molding your early conceptions. For me, it was Ron Paul/Mises with "free market", and Sam Harris with Islam.
And the people pushing this contrarian shit -- not to mention the ones swallowing it -- have no clue about how one is supposed to evaluate claims for credibility, assess evidence, etc. Hell, Peterson admitted in a debate with Zizek that his direct knowledge of MARXISM, period, came entirely from skimming the Manifesto the previous evening.
Kevin wrote: "And the people pushing this contrarian shit -- not to mention the ones swallowing it -- have no clue about how one is supposed to evaluate claims for credibility, assess evidence, etc. Hell, Peters..."I honestly expected more from Peterson than his pathetic admission, seeing as how he is a university professor (as opposed to, say, an internet entertainment media crank like Alex Jones). What a joke that Marxism is pervasive in Western universities if that's his only exposure.
Critics of Marx "debunk" him by "disproving" the most narrow interpretation of his theory of falling rate of profit due to mechanization leading to general capitalist crisis followed by proletarian revolution. Curiously, young Marx in the Manifesto recognized what later became Schumpeter's creative destruction, a capitalist mechanism that disrupts falling rate of profit stagnancy: "Capitalism, then, is by nature a form or method of economic change and not only never is but never can be stationary. And this evolutionary character of the capitalist process is not merely due to the fact that economic life goes on in a social and natural environment which changes and by its change alters the data of economic action; this fact is important and these changes (wars, revolutions and so on) often condition industrial change, but they are not its prime movers. Nor is this evolutionary character due to a quasi-automatic increase in population and capital or to the vagaries of monetary systems of which exactly the same thing holds true. The fundamental impulse that sets and keeps the capitalist engine in motion comes from the new consumers’ goods, the new methods of production or transportation, the new markets, the new forms of industrial organization that capitalist enterprise creates."
"The opening up of new markets, foreign or domestic, and the organizational development from the craft shop and factory to such concerns as U. S. Steel illustrate the same process of industrial mutation—if I may use that biological term—that incessantly revolutionizes the economic structure from within, incessantly destroying the old one, incessantly creating a new one. This process of Creative Destruction is the essential fact about capitalism. It is what capitalism consists in and what every capitalist concern has got to live in."
"Every piece of business strategy acquires its true significance only against the background of that process and within the situation created by it. It must be seen in its role in the perennial gale of creative destruction; it cannot be understood irrespective of it or, in fact, on the hypothesis that there is a perennial lull."
... but is also a source of crises:
"But capitalist policies wrought destruction much beyond what was unavoidable. They attacked the artisan in reservations in which he could have survived for an indefinite time. They forced upon the peasant all the blessings of early liberalism—the free and unsheltered holding and all the individualist rope he needed in order to hang himself.
In breaking down the pre-capitalist framework of society, capitalism thus broke not only barriers that impeded its progress but also flying buttresses that prevented its collapse. That process, impressive in its relentless necessity, was not merely a matter of removing institutional deadwood, but of removing partners of the capitalist stratum, symbiosis with whom was an essential element of the capitalist schema."
"that the capitalist process in much the same way in which it destroyed the institutional framework of feudal society also undermines its own"
message 40:
by
The Conspiracy is Capitalism
(last edited Sep 26, 2022 10:06PM)
(new)
-
rated it 5 stars
John wrote: "Critics of Marx "debunk" him by "disproving" the most narrow interpretation of his theory of falling rate of profit due to mechanization leading to general capitalist crisis followed by proletarian..."Indeed, Classical political economy before Marx (i.e. Smith, Ricardo, etc.) was fascinated with conceptualizing capitalist crises via a falling rate of profit, which makes sense because they were still interested in the real world where emerging capitalist boom/busts must have been shocking!
Ex. Isaac Newton, who was not just the President of the Royal Society in science but also the Master of the Royal Mint, lost his fortune in the South Sea Bubble of 1720.
As I've mentioned, Schumpeter tops my list of interesting thinkers classified on the "right". I haven't explored his strictly "economic" theories although it seems he was surrounded by (anti-Classical/Marx) Marginalists, but elsewhere it seems Schumpeter is much more like the Classicals/Marx in being a critical social scientist testing his theories in history (thus, his "business cycles"/"creative destruction"/crises of capitalism). Alas, so much to explore...
The difficulty with Marx's crisis theory is in his rigour to build a scientific analysis of political economy, he only completed a fraction of what he planned. While some of today's best focus on the rate of profit (ex. Anwar Shaikh), there's a lot to synthesis with:
1) Finance/debt cycles: The Bubble and Beyond
2) Imperialism: Capital and Imperialism: Theory, History, and the Present
3) Ecology: Less is More: How Degrowth Will Save the World, ...energy: The New Economics: A Manifesto
A major divide between Schumpeter and the Classical school including Marx is rejecting their labor theory of value due to its impracticality as a "tool of analysis" (rather than it being "wrong") in favor of Marginal utility: "Everybody knows that this theory of value is unsatisfactory. In the voluminous discussion that has been carried on about it, the right is not indeed all on one side and many faulty arguments have been used by its opponents. The essential point is not whether labor is the true “source” or “cause” of economic value. This question may be of primary interest to social philosophers who want to deduce from it ethical claims to the product, and Marx himself was of course not indifferent to this aspect of the problem. For economics as a positive science, however, which has to describe or explain actual processes, it is much more important to ask how the labor theory of value works as a tool of analysis, and the real trouble with it is that it does so very badly.
To begin with, it does not work at all outside of the case of perfect competition. Second, even with perfect competition it never works smoothly except if labor is the only factor of production and, moreover, if labor is all of one kind. If either of these two conditions is not fulfilled, additional assumptions must be introduced and analytical difficulties increase to an extent that soon becomes unmanageable. Reasoning on the lines of the labor theory of value is hence reasoning on a very special case without practical importance, though something might be said for it if it be interpreted in the sense of a rough approximation to the historical tendencies of relative values. The theory which replaced it—in its earliest and now outmoded form, known as the theory of marginal utility—may claim superiority on many counts but the real argument for it is that it is much more general and applies equally well, on the one hand, to the cases of monopoly and imperfect competition and, on the other hand, to the presence of other factors and of labor of many different kinds and qualities. Moreover, if we introduce into this theory the restrictive assumptions mentioned, proportionality between value and quantity of labor applied follows from it. It should be clear, therefore, not only that it was perfectly absurd for Marxists to question, as at first they tried to do, the validity of the marginal utility theory of value (which was what confronted them), but also that it is incorrect to call the labor theory of value “wrong.” In any case it is dead and buried."
John wrote: "A major divide between Schumpeter and the Classical school including Marx is rejecting their labor theory of value due to its impracticality as a "tool of analysis" (rather than it being "wrong") i..."Soooo much to unpack here:
--quite a nuanced approach by Schumpeter, by shifting "labour theory of value" into the realm of "social philosophers" (rather than complete rejection) in order to leave "economics as a positive science" open for "marginal utility theory of value" (framed as "practical")
--interesting how Schumpeter frames "labour theory of value" calculations as based on too many abstractions, listing several that Capital Vol. 1 indeed starts with:
1) "perfect competition"
2) "labour is the only factor of production, and, moreover, if labor is all of one kind", i.e. "reduction of skill to simple labour problem"
..."If either of these two conditions is not fulfilled, additional assumptions must be introduced and analytical difficulties increase to an extent that soon becomes unmanageable."
--On the surface, I find this approach agreeable; indeed, I've avoided the labour theory of value for similar reasons...
--However, I would then need to review:
1) Schumpeter's case for why "marginal utility theory of value" is more "practical" and "much more general", and exactly what Schumpeter is referring to, i.e. "in its earliest and now outmoded form, known as the theory of marginal utility"
2) refresher on marginal utility, as "economics as a positive science" in terms of the details of price theory (let alone marginal utility) I've found to be inherently full of assumptions abstracting away much of the real world issues I'm interested in (price theory I mean, more than accounting which I mostly treat as a technical tool until it gets to money creation etc.)
...from memory (rehashing some Steve Keen critiques), marginal utility was bizarre even after its abstractions:
1) Marginal cost: additional cost of producing last unit rises as output rises, so maximize profit by equating marginal revenue vs. marginal cost.
...vs. how real-world firms behave.
2) Diminishing Marginal Utility applied to production: assume variable inputs while constant capital --> Diminishing Marginal Productivity --> Rising Marginal Cost
...vs. real-world production: factories designed to achieve max efficiency at full capacity to accommodate growth, thus sell as much as possible as long as price > costs, the build new factories with lower costs
3) Marginal Productivity Theory of Income Distribution: classless representative agent
...vs. distribution of income/wealth/power cannot aggregate cost/benefit analysis from individual
--Of course I realize there are many disagreements within Marginalists (Neoclassical vs. Austrian, etc.), but it's helpful to take a step back to assess the big picture:
“Its vision of capitalism at its best is a system manifesting the harmony of equilibrium, where everyone is paid their just return (their ‘marginal product’), growth is occurring smoothly at a rate that maximizes social utility through time, and everyone is motivated by consumption – rather than accumulation and power – because, to quote Say, ‘the producers, though they have all of them the air of demanding money for their goods, do in reality demand merchandise for their merchandise’” -Steve Keen, The New Economics: A Manifesto
Regarding Steve Keen, he also critiques Marxist labor theory of value by positing that machines also generate value.
John wrote: "Regarding Steve Keen, he also critiques Marxist labor theory of value by positing that machines also generate value."I've heard Keen mention this in a couple interviews (ex. "What Marx Got Wrong with Steve Keen" video on youtube) and I assume he dives into it in his tome "Debunking Economics". The machine-value also seems related to Keen's proposal of a new economics' 3rd pillar:
1) Money
2) Complex systems
3) Energy
One big picture clarification I'd look for is how we are framing our question/investigation. Are we asking what is capitalism's value system? I believe that was Marx's intention with Capital, and thus the results are abstract, contradictory, dynamic (creative destruction, reacting to opposition ex. regulation of the working day) and crisis-prone.
I think sometimes this gets blurred with critiques of capitalism, i.e. what should economics value. So, is Keen's "The New Economics: A Manifesto" proposing a new economics to:
a) better investigate capitalism and its value system (like the Classicals and Marx's Capital project examining real-world capitalism before the utopian Neoclassicals took over)? ...or
b) better investigate the economics of social needs and transcend capitalism (the bits of Marx's Capital that suggests agency in labour to transcend capitalism's value system)?
Also: I'd like to see a synthesis of Keen's biophysical economics vs. Burkett's "Marxism and Ecological Economics: Toward a Red and Green Political Economy" (synthesizing Marxist value theory with ecological economics, including biophysical economics like "energy is the only currency").
I'm not familiar with Keen, but it seems to me based on "...he also critiques Marxist labor theory of value by positing that machines also generate value", that whatever Steve Keen is critiquing is not a Marxist theory of value but something more like the CPE labour theory of value where in the wealth of a nation is the sum-total of all costs of production espoused by Ricardo and Smith (although they could not figure out a universal unit of value that was neither circular nor contradictory), given a) Marx writes at lengths about machines as dead labour, a product of prior production processes whose existence is owed to extracted surplus value; and b) part of Marx's critique is not just his separation between living and dead labour but also of labour and labour power, the latter which is commodified and whose exchange-value is represented by the wage rate, which is traded off at less than the value of (socially-necessary abstract) labour itself, hence, begetting surplus-value. It would then seem to me Keen is either confused, or he is not offering a critique of Marx.Either way, if we understand that the classical political economy theory of labour value contains within it a numeraire problem (no universal unit of value that is not circular), and that the Marxian critique contains its own transformation problem of value into price (though its analysis explains general macroeconomic tendencies with incredible precision) we can also acknowledge that marginalist and neoclassical economics contain their own transformation problems (equilibria are impossible to verify, utility is immeasurable, w = MPL is a ridiculous claim, Say's Law is a utopian fantasy), and neoclassicism has its own myriad issues with its implicit assumptions (e.g. profit as a reward for abstinence) which attempts to naturalize tendencies of growth and relations between income and both capital and labour with its black box production functions (handily exposed in the Cambridge Controversy).
Michael wrote: "I'm not familiar with Keen, but it seems to me based on "...he also critiques Marxist labor theory of value by positing that machines also generate value", that whatever Steve Keen is critiquing is..."Great points Michael, lots to unpack! I’ll do some digging and follow up on Keen’s take on Marx/LTOV/machines as I'm curious, and well as Anwar Shaikh’s take on the Marxian transformation problem which I'd like your take on. Let’s start with:
1) Marginalist/Neoclassical utility:
--Great summary of how Marginalist approaches are not a “practical” alternative to any limitations of LTOV (esp. Classical LTOV) in describing real-world capitalism. I’ve been exposed to various renditions but still do not have an accessible summary that I can widely share (in case you have one?).
2) Classical LTOV and Marx’s critique:
--Useful contextualization of the limitations of Classical LTOV and Marx’s critique.
--Regarding the latter, I’m wondering your take on Harvey’s “Marx’s Refusal of the Labour Theory of Value”? My takeaways:
i) “Value in circulation”: Classical LTOV focuses on the market, i.e. sphere of exchange, in considering LTOV in relations to price formation.
ii) “Value in production”: Harvey writes “But Marx was not primarily interested in price formation” (although Anwar Shaikh does warn it should not be neglected). Marx in Capital V1 Ch. 7 critiques Classical by leaving the market (“a very Eden of the rights of man”, “alone rule Freedom, Equality, Property and Bentham”) to consider the effects on the labourer, starting with the production process (“the hidden abode of production”) where capitalists squeeze out surplus-value by extending the working day (absolute surplus-value) and technological innovations (relative surplus-value). Thus, Diane Elson’s “value theory of labour” and Bertell Ollman’s “theory of the alienation of labour in production”.
iii) “Value in social reproduction”: Marx also considers the effects on social reproduction outside but dependent on the production process (for wages), ending with “industrial reserve army of labour”, etc.. Harvey ties this back to commodity exchange by considering social reproduction’s wants/needs/desires (use-value) and thus the demand required to realize commodity exchange.
iv) Harvey sums up the above 3:
Marx’s value form, I conclude, is not a still and stable fulcrum in capital’s churning world but a constantly changing and unstable metric being pushed hither and thither by the anarchy of market exchange, by revolutionary transformations in technologies and organizational forms, by unfolding practices of social reproduction, and massive transformations in the wants, needs and desires of whole populations expressed through the cultures of everyday life. This is far beyond what Ricardo had in mind and equally far away from that conception of value usually attributed to Marx....I also wonder where Marx’s critique ends and proposals for alternatives begin? In V1, I only remember a hint early on (Ch.4 Fetishism of the Commodity; emphases added):
Let us finally imagine, for a change, an association of free men, working with the means of production held in common, and expending their many different forms of labour-power in full self-awareness as one single social labour force. All the characteristics of Robinson [Crusoe]’s labour are repeated here, but with the difference that they are social instead of individual. All Robinson’s products were exclusively the result of his own personal labour and they were therefore directly objects of utility for him personally. The total product of our imagined association is a social product. One part of this product serves as fresh means of production and remains social. But another part is consumed by the members of the association as means of subsistence. This part must therefore be divided amongst them. The way this division is made will vary with the particular kind of social organization of production and the corresponding level of social development attained by the producers. We shall assume, but only for the sake of a parallel with the production of commodities, that the share of each individual producer in the means of subsistence is determined by his labour-time. Labour-time would in that case play a double part. Its apportionment in accordance with a definite social plan maintains the correct proportion between the different functions of labour and the various needs of the associations. On the other hand, labour-time also serves as a measure of the part taken by each individual in the common labour, and of his share in the part of the total product destined for individual consumption. The social relations of the individual producers, both towards their labour and the products of their labour, are here transparent in their simplicity, in production as well as in distribution.
Asides Schumpeter, another thinker not strictly "Marxist" to compare is Karl Polanyi. I need to get a copy of Nancy Fraser's "Why Two Karls Are Better Than One: Integrating Polyani and Marx in a Critical Theory of the Current Crisis".
John wrote: "Asides Schumpeter, another thinker not strictly "Marxist" to compare is Karl Polanyi. I need to get a copy of Nancy Fraser's "Why Two Karls Are Better Than One: Integrating Polyani and Marx in a Cr..."Very helpful article! Notes:
Synthesis 101 of Karl Polanyi and Karl Marx:
Preamble:
--Despite my concerns regarding David Harvey and Nancy Fraser’s applications of theory to real-world geopolitical economy, I’ve found both helpful for introducing dense theoretical works.
i) Harvey’s A Companion to Marx's Capital, introducing Marx’s Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Volume 1.
ii) Fraser’s working-paper: “Why Two Karls are Better than One: Integrating Polanyi and Marx in a Critical Theory of the Current Crisis” (the article I am now reviewing; I downloaded from academia.edu), introducing Polanyi’s The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (which I finished before reading Fraser; I’m still dreading reviewing Polanyi’s book perhaps even more than I did for Capital Vol. 1, so guess this is good practice).
Highlights:
--Fraser breaks down the core of Polanyi’s and Marx’s capitalist crisis theories (to show how they can be synthesized) by considering 2 areas:
i) Structural contradictions
ii) Social struggles
1) Polanyi’s Fictitious commodification:
i) Structural contradictions:
--Markets for “real” commodities (everyday goods/services) have existed in various forms prior to “capitalism”; we can call these “societies with markets”.
--What makes “capitalism” unique is its 3 peculiar markets of land/labour/money; thus, we can call capitalism a “market society”.
--What makes land/labour/money such peculiar markets is they feature “fictitious commodities”, since nature/humans/purchasing power are not “produced” (with a cost of production, think factories, like “real” commodities) just for buying/selling on the market (“commodities”).
--Note: for more on this intro I’ve given, see: Talking to My Daughter About the Economy: or, How Capitalism Works—and How It Fails
--Thus, Fraser frames Polanyi as identifying the structural crisis of capitalism’s “external” relations with its natural/social environmental surroundings, where capitalist markets consume and degrade crucial preconditions until crisis; Fraser calls this the “Triple contradictions”:
a) Nature: a precondition of capitalist production input (source of raw materials) and waste disposal (sink) is degraded by capitalist markets, whose cancerous short-term profiteering conflicts with nature’s balancing reciprocity: Facing the Anthropocene: Fossil Capitalism and the Crisis of the Earth System
b) Social reproduction: another crucial capitalist production input is labour, which must be maintained/socialized/skilled. This depends on unwaged care-work. Capitalist markets, in particular finance capital, can move across the globe in nanoseconds; labour (humans) cannot possibly keep up, disrupting their families/communities to relocate to socially-disconnected locations. This social dislocation destroys the social cooperation (solidarity/affective dispositions/shared values) that is a precondition for capitalist markets (yet unrewarded).
-The Myth of Normal: Trauma, Illness, and Healing in a Toxic Culture
-Lost Connections: Uncovering the Real Causes of Depression - and the Unexpected Solutions
c) Money: a final key precondition is a stable supply of money, which must function both as a store of value over time and as a medium of exchange across distance.
…I didn’t see Fraser explaining capitalist money further, so let me refer to Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Volume 1: capitalism is M-C-M’, starting with Money (investment, usually capitalists going into debt) to produce Commodities to sell for more Money (profit).
…Thus, money is no longer just an intermediary in a market exchange equilibrium (C-M-C, i.e. Commodity exchanged using Money for another Commodity). Under capitalism, money is the start and the end-in-itself (rather than a means), thus the capitalist incentive of endless accumulation (power; money addiction; endless growth) that breaks mainstream economics’ assumption of marginal utility (satisfaction decreasing once sufficiency is reached, ex. with real commodities like consuming too much meat/bread/alcohol from Adam Smith’s butchers/bakers/brewers).
--Money as store of value may disrupt its role as medium of exchange: money can be horded (esp. by capitalists given the huge shares going to them first; this may be from pessimism over future investments) which takes money out of circulation (breaking exchange).
--Money can lose its store of value when its value drops relative to other commodities (ex. gold, other currencies/financial products) due to inflationary pressures (other commodities being finite while money is fictitiously created). Since money is an end rather than a means of accounting, capitalists (esp. speculators) can drastically shift from holding money to holding commodities, spiraling the currency out of control. For more on money from a global perspective (national currencies vs. international reserve currency etc.), see:
-Capital and Imperialism: Theory, History, and the Present
-Super Imperialism: The Origin and Fundamentals of U.S. World Dominance
-Fraser later critique’s Polanyi’s markets vs. external natural/social environment as too binary, since “capitalism” is larger than economic markets, where the interactions in at the boundaries of institutional divisions are of concern:
-ex. Economic production vs. social reproduction
-ex. Economic markets vs. political state coordination
-ex. Cultural spirit (endless accumulation) vs. nature’s materialism (balance)
ii) Social struggle:
--In this area, Polanyi proposes the “Double movement” of market commodification vs. social protection (the latter being the resistance against the spread of capitalist markets).
--This, Fraser contends this moves beyond strictly economic Marxist concerns (economic exploitation/immiseration/unemployment) to consider endangered habitats/social dislocation. We should note that Marx clearly recognizes the latter, but his incomplete Capital project starts with the former.
“Capitalist production, therefore, only develops the techniques and the degree of combination of the social process of production by simultaneously undermining the original sources of all wealth – the soil and the worker." [Capital Vol.1, Ch.15 section 10]
--Fraser critiques Polanyi’s “Double movement” as too binary, where “social protection” is a black box assumed as good; Fraser counters with Marx’s dialectics, showing the contradictions where capitalist markets also disrupt traditional social hierarchies/prejudices:
Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch [i.e. capitalism] from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses, his real condition of life, and his relations with his kind. [-The Communist Manifesto; emphases added]--Fraser proposes the “Triple movement” of market commodification vs. social protection vs. emancipation.
-ex. the New Deal: market commodification + social protection (welfare), but miss emancipation (relied on military industrial complex/neoimperialism).
-ex. “Progressive Neoliberalism”: market commodification + emancipation rhetoric but not substance, while cutting social protection.
--As Fraser’s article focused on Polanyi while adding in Marx, the Marx section is brief:
2) Marx’s Falling rate of profit:
i) Structural contradiction:
--Fraser contends Marx identifies the crisis as “internal” to capitalism: endless accumulation (capital as self-expanding M-C-M’) via exploiting labour-power, where competition’s cost-cutting leads to a rising proportion of machinery over labour, which pushes down the profit rate (TRPF: “tendency for the rate of profit to fall”) and leads to speculation (M-M’) and economic crisis.
…There is way too much to unpack here, so start with: Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Volume 1
ii) Social struggle:
--Fraser contends Marx’s class struggle also misses the struggles at the boundaries of institutional divisions which Polanyi also does not detail, leading Marx to assume a (crude) sharpening polarization between the proletariat vs. capitalist.
beth wrote: "Will there be another round of group reading of Capital at some point?"Hey Beth, apologies my notifications are inconsistent so missed this.
There was a lot of momentum during the first round where we ended up forming 3 groups for V1 with video/audio meetings (each averaging ~5 members per meeting throughout the reading) due to time zones/reading pace.
As for today, there hasn't yet been a plan for a V1 group:
--I know Yumeko has started V1.
--I'm prepping for V2 (only know a couple who may join), but always down to join a V1 group, I do miss discussions and V1 is always worth revisiting.
--Any preferences in terms of format/time etc for you?







--Elsewhere, Marx identifies 2 methods of profit:
(i) Market exchange: precapitalist merchant/usurer capital.
(ii) Capitalist production: industrial capital.
…In the former, profit is made by arbitrage (buying low, selling high), but in aggregate no surplus-value is created (see later). Furthermore, the market presents the illusion of free contracts/transaction (“It is the exclusive realm of Freedom, Equality, Property and Bentham”). Does not the wage labourer freely choose to sell their labour (zealot Milton Friedman’s “Free to Choose”)? Thus, the contradicting double "freedoms" of labour as a commodity, where:
(i) Capitalism destroys (certain) prior hierarchical relations to free the labourer to own their labour, but...
(ii) Prior social relations for subsistence are also destroyed, so the labourer has no choice but to sell their labour to capitalists to survive.
…Thus, while Volume 1 spends the first 6 chapters setting up market circulation, the core is to “leave this noisy sphere, where everything takes place on the surface and in full view of everyone, and follow them into the hidden abode of production, on whose threshold there hangs the notice ‘No admittance except on business’” [Emphasis added].
...In order to abstract away the noisy market exchange, it’s important to note that Volume 1 will (mostly) assume a utopic perfect market where:
(i) Everything is sold at their “value” (thus no super-exploitation/arbitrage/rent/further dispossession etc.),
(ii) Everything is successfully sold (thus no realization problems)
(iii) A closed system (abstracting away trade; keep in mind that real-world capitalism is a global system).