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Random documents with unrelated
content Scribd suggests to you:
narrative, with many curious details, and in its
original form (which we cannot suppose we have)
must have been nearly contemporary. ‘Bosworth
Field’ borrows some verses from it.

2 4
17 , 22 . This affirmation of the trustworthiness of
the chronicle occurs in ‘The Battle of Otterburn,’ No
2
161, 35 , and again in ‘Flodden Field,’ No 178,
4
appendix, 121 .
1
Throughout a garden greene and gay,
A seemlye sight itt was to see
How fflowers did flourish fresh and gay,
And birds doe sing melodiouslye.

2
In the midst of a garden there sprange a tree,
Which tree was of a mickle price,
And there vppon sprang the rose soe redd,
The goodlyest that euer sprange on rise.

3
This rose was ffaire, ffresh to behold,
Springing with many a royall lance;
A crowned king, with a crowne of gold,
Ouer England, Ireland, and of Ffrance.

4
Then came in a beast men call a bore,
And he rooted this garden vpp and downe;
By the seede of the rose he sett noe store,
But afterwards itt wore the crowne.

5
Hee tooke the branches of this rose away,
And all in sunder did them teare,
And he buryed them vnder a clodd of clay,
Swore they shold neuer bloome nor beare.

6
Then came in an egle gleaming gay,
Of all ffaire birds well worth the best;
He took the branche of the rose away,
And bore itt to Latham to his nest.

7
But now is this rose out of England exiled,
This certaine truth I will not laine;
But if itt please you to sitt a while,
I’le tell you how the rose came in againe.

8
Att Milford Hauen he entered in;
To claime his right, was his delight;
He brought the blew bore in with him,
To encounter with the bore soe white.

9
The[n] a messenger the rose did send
To the egles nest, and bidd him hye:
‘To my ffather, the old egle, I doe [me] commend,
His aide and helpe I craue speedylye.’

10
Saies, I desire my father att my cominge
Of men and mony att my need,
And alsoe my mother of her deer blessing;
The better then I hope to speede.

11
And when the messenger came before thold egle,
He kneeled him downe vpon his knee;
Saith, Well greeteth you my lord the rose,
He hath sent you greetings here by me.

12
Safe ffrom the seas Christ hath him sent,
Now he is entered England within:
‘Let vs thanke God,’ the old egle did say,
‘He shall be the fflower of all his kine.

13
‘Wend away, messenger, with might and maine;
 Itt’s hard to know who a man may trust;
I hope the rose shall fflourish againe,
And haue all things att his owne lust.’

14
Then Sir Rice ap Thomas drawes Wales with him;
A worthy sight itt was to see,
How the Welchmen rose wholy with him,
And shogged them to Shrewsburye.

15
Att that time was baylye in Shrewsburye
One Master Mitton, in the towne;
The gates were strong, and he mad them ffast,
And the portcullis he lett downe.

16
And throug a garrett of the walls,
Ouer Severne these words said hee;
‘Att these gates no man enter shall;’
But he kept him out a night and a day.

17
These words Mitton did Erle Richmond tell
(I am sure the chronicles of this will not lye);
But when lettres came from Sir William Stanley of the Holt castle,
Then the gates were opened presentlye.

18
Then entred this towne the noble lord,
The Erle Richmond, the rose soe redd;
The Erle of Oxford, with a sword,
Wold haue smitt of the bailiffes head.

19
‘But hold your hand,’ saies Erle Richmond,
‘Ffor his loue that dyed vpon a tree!
Ffor if wee begin to head so soone,
In England wee shall beare no degree.’

20
‘What offence haue I made thee,’ sayd Erle Richmonde,
‘That thou kept me out of my towne?’
‘I know no king,’ sayd Mitton then,
‘But Richard now, that weares the crowne.’

21
‘Why, what wilt thou say,’ said Erle Richmonde,
‘When I haue put King Richard downe?’
‘Why, then Ile be as true to you, my lord,
After the time that I am sworne.’

22
‘Were itt not great pitty,’ sayd Erle Richmond,
‘That such a man as this shold dye,
Such loyall service by him done?
(The cronickles of this will not lye.)

23
‘Thou shalt not be harmed in any case;’
He pardone[d] him presentlye;
They stayd not past a night and a day,
But towards Newport did they hye.

24
But [at] Attherston these lords did meete;
A worthy sight itt was to see,
How Erle Richmond tooke his hatt in his hand,
And said, Cheshire and Lancashire, welcome to me!

25
But now is a bird of the egle taken;
Ffrom the white bore he cannot fflee;
Therfore the old egle makes great moane,
 And prayes to God most certainly.

26
‘O stedfast God, verament,’ he did say,
‘Thre persons in one god in Trinytye,
Saue my sonne, the young egle, this day
Ffrom all ffalse craft and trecherye!’

27
Then the blew bore the vanward had;
He was both warry and wise of witt;
The right hand of them he tooke,
The sunn and wind of them to gett.

28
Then the egle ffollowed fast vpon his pray,
With sore dints he did them smyte;
The talbott he bitt wonderous sore,
Soe well the vnicorne did him quite.

29
And then came in the harts head;
A worthy sight itt was to see,
The iacketts that were of white and redd,
How they laid about them lustilye.

30
But now is the ffeirce ffeeld foughten and ended,
And the white bore there lyeth slaine,
And the young egle is preserued,
And come to his nest againe.

31
But now this garden fflourishes ffreshly and gay,
With ffragrant fflowers comely of hew,
And gardners itt doth maintaine;
I hope they will proue iust and true.
32
Our king, he is the rose soe redd,
That now does fflourish ffresh and gay:
Confound his ffoes, Lord, wee beseeche,
And loue His Grace both night and day!

4
10 . Then better.
12 . him is apparently altered from mim in the
1

MS.: Furnivall.
4
14 . shogged him.
17 . cane for came.
3

2
26 . 3.
3
29 . They.
 167

SIR ANDREW BARTON

A. ‘Sir Andrew Bartton,’ Percy MS. p. 490; Hales

and Furnivall, III, 399.
B. ‘The Life and Death of Sir Andrew Barton,’ etc.
a. Douce Ballads, I, 18 b. b. Pepys Ballads, I,
484, No 249. c. Wood Ballads, 401, 55. d.
Roxburghe Ballads, I, 2; reprinted by the Ballad
Society, I, 10. e. Bagford Ballads, 643, m. 9. (61).
f. Bagford Ballads, 643, m. 10 (77). g. Wood
Ballads, 402, 37. h. ‘Sir Andrew Barton,’
Glenriddell MSS, XI, 20.

Given in Old Ballads, 1723, I, 159; in Percy’s

Reliques, 1765, II, 177, a copy made up from the
Folio MS. and B b, with editorial emendations;
Ritson’s Select Collection of English Songs, 1783, I,
313. B f is reprinted by Halliwell, Early Naval Ballads,
Percy Society, vol. ii, p. 4, 1841; by Moore, Pictorial
Book of Ancient Ballad Poetry, p. 256, 1853. There is
a Bow-Churchyard copy, of no value, in the
Roxburghe collection, III, 726, 727, dated in the
Museum catalogue 1710.
A collation of A and B will show how ballads were
retrenched and marred in the process of preparing
[205]
them for the vulgar press. B a-g clearly lack two
stanzas after 11 (12, 13, of A). This omission is
perhaps to be attributed to careless printing rather
than to reckless cutting down, for the stanzas
wanted are found in h. h is a transcript, apparently
from recitation or dictation, of a Scottish broadside.
It has but fifty-six stanzas, against the sixty-four of B
a and the eighty-two of A, and is extremely
corrupted. Besides the two stanzas not found in the
English broadside, it has one more, after 50, which is
perhaps borrowed from ‘Adam Bell’:
‘Foul fa the hands,’ says Horsley then,
‘This day that did that coat put on;
For had it been as thin as mine,
Thy last days had been at an end.’[206]

A has a regrettable gap after 35, and is corrupted

2[207] 2
at 29 , 47 .
 In the year 1476 a Portuguese squadron seized a
richly loaded ship commanded by John Barton, in
consequence of which letters of reprisal were
granted to Andrew, Robert, and John Barton, sons of
[208]
John, and these letters were renewed in 1506, “as
no opportunity had occurred of effectuating a
retaliation;” that is to say, as the Scots, up to the
later date, had not been supplied with the proper
vessels. The king of Portugal remonstrated against
reprisals for so old an offence, but he had put
himself in the wrong four years before by refusing to
deal with a herald sent by the Scottish king for the
arrangement of the matter in dispute. It is probable
that there was justice on the Scottish side, “yet there
is some reason to believe that the Bartons abused
the royal favor, and the distance and impunity of the
sea, to convert this retaliation into a kind of piracy
against the Portuguese trade, at that time, by the
discoveries and acquisitions in India, rendered the
richest in the world.” All three of the brothers were
men of note in the naval history of Scotland. Andrew
is called Sir Andrew, perhaps, in imitation of Sir
Andrew Wood; but his brother attained to be called
[209]
Sir Robert.
We may now hear what the writers who are
nearest to the time have to say of the subject-matter
of our ballad.
 Hall’s Chronicle, 1548. In June [1511], the king
being at Leicester, tidings were brought to him that
Andrew Barton, a Scottish man and a pirate of the
sea, saying that the king of Scots had war with the
Portingales, did rob every nation, and so stopped the
king’s streams that no merchants almost could pass,
and when he took the Englishmen’s goods, he said
they were Portingales’ goods, and thus he haunted
and robbed at every haven’s mouth. The king, moved
greatly with this crafty pirate, sent Sir Edmund
[210]
Howard, Lord Admiral of England, and Lord
Thomas Howard, son and heir to the Earl of Surrey,
in all the haste to the sea, which hastily made ready
two ships, and without any more abode took the sea,
and by chance of weather were severed. The Lord
Howard, lying in the Downs, perceived where
Andrew was making toward Scotland, and so fast the
said lord chased him that he overtook him, and there
was a sore battle. The Englishmen were fierce, and
the Scots defended them manfully, and ever Andrew
blew his whistle to encourage his men, yet for all
that, the Lord Howard and his men, by clean
strength, entered the main deck; then the
Englishmen entered on all sides, and the Scots
fought sore on the hatches, but in conclusion Andrew
was taken, which was so sore wounded that he died
there; then all the remnant of the Scots were taken,
with their ship, called The Lion. All this while was the
Lord Admiral in chase of the bark of Scotland called
Jenny Pirwyn, which was wont to sail with The Lion
in company, and so much did he with other that he
laid him on board and fiercely assailed him, and the
Scots, as hardy and well stomached men, them
defended; but the Lord Admiral so encouraged his
men that they entered the bark and slew many, and
took all the other. Then were these two ships taken,
and brought to Blackwall the second day of August,
and all the Scots were sent to the Bishop’s place of
York, and there remained, at the king’s charge, till
other direction was taken for them. [They were
released upon their owning that they deserved death
for piracy, and appealing to the king’s mercy, says
Hall.] The king of Scots, hearing of the death of
Andrew of Barton and taking of his two ships, was
wonderful wroth, and sent letters to the king
requiring restitution according to the league and
amity. The king wrote with brotherly salutations to
the king of Scots of the robberies and evil doings of
Andrew Barton, and that it became not one prince to
lay a breach of a league to another prince in doing
justice upon a pirate or thief, and that all the other
Scots that were taken had deserved to die by justice
if he had not extended his mercy. (Ed. of 1809, p.
525.)
 Buchanan, about twenty years later, writes to this
[211]
effect. Andrew Breton was a Scots trader whose
father had been cruelly put to death by the
Portuguese, after they had plundered his ship. This
outrage was committed within the dominion of
Flanders, and the Flemish admiralty, upon suit of the
son, gave judgment against the Portuguese; but the
offending parties would not pay the indemnity, nor
would their king compel them, though the king of
Scots sent a herald to make the demand. The Scot
procured from his master a letter of marque, to
warrant him against charges of piracy and
freebooting while prosecuting open war against the
Portuguese for their violation of the law of nations,
and in the course of a few months inflicted great loss
on them. Portuguese envoys went to the English king
and told him that this Andrew was a man of such
courage and enterprise as would make him a
dangerous enemy in the war then impending with
the French, and that he could now be conveniently
cut off, under cover of piracy, to the advantage of
English subjects and the gratification of a friendly
sovereign. Henry was easily persuaded, and
[212]
dispatched his admiral, Thomas Howard, with two
of the strongest ships of the royal navy, to lie in wait
at the Downs for Andrew, then on his way home
from Flanders. They soon had sight of the Scot, in a
small vessel, with a still smaller in company. Howard
attacked Andrew’s ship, but, though the superior in
all respects, was barely able to take it after the
master and most of his men had been killed. The
Scots captain, though several times wounded and
with one leg broken by a cannon-ball, seized a drum
and beat a charge to inspirit his men to fight until
breath and life failed. The smaller ship was
surrendered with less resistance, and the survivors of
both vessels, by begging their lives of the king (as
they were instructed to do by the English), obtained
a discharge without punishment. The Scottish king
made formal complaint of this breach of peace, but
the answer was ready: the killing of pirates broke no
leagues and furnished no decent ground for war.
(Rer. Scot. Historia, 1582, fol. 149 b, 150.)
Bishop Lesley, writing at about the same time as
Buchanan, openly accuses the English of fraud. “In
the month of June,” he says, “Andrew Barton, being
on the sea in warfare contrar the Portingals, against
whom he had a letter of mark, Sir Edmund Howard,
Lord Admiral of England, and Lord Thomas Howard,
son and heir to the Earl of Surrey, past forth at the
king of England’s command, with certain of his best
ships; and the said Andrew, being in his voyage
sailing toward Scotland, having only but one ship and
a bark, they set upon at the Downs, and at the first
entry did make sign unto them that there was
friendship standing betwix the two realms, and
therefore thought them to be friends; wherewith
they, nothing moved, did cruelly invade, and he
manfully and courageously defended, where there
was many slain, and Andrew himself sore wounded,
that he died shortly; and his ship, called The Lion,
and the bark, called Jenny Pirrvyne, which, with the
Scots men that was living, were had to London, and
kept there as prisoners in the Bishop of Yorks house,
and after was sent home in Scotland. When that the
knowledge hereof came to the king, he sent
incontinent a herald to the king of England, with
letters requiring dress for the slaughter of Andrew
Barton, with the ships to be rendered again;
otherwise it might be an occasion to break the
league and peace contracted between them. To the
which it was answered by the king of England that
the slaughter being a pirate, as he alleged, should be
no break to the peace; yet not the less he should
cause commissioners meet upon the borders, where
they should treat upon that and all other enormities
[213]
betwix the two realms.” (History of Scotland,
Edinburgh, 1830, p. 82 f.)
The ballad displaces Sir Thomas and Sir Edward
Howard, and puts in their place Lord Charles
Howard, who was not born till twenty-five years after
the fight. Lord Charles Howard, son of William, a
younger half-brother of Thomas and Edward, was, in
his time, like them, Lord High Admiral, and had the
honor of commanding the fleet which served against
the Armada. He was created Earl of Nottingham in
[214]
1596, and this circumstance, adopted into A 78,
puts this excellent ballad later than one would have
said, unless, as is quite possible, the name of the
English commander has been changed. There is but
one ship in the ballad, as there is but a single
captain, but Henry Hunt makes up for the other
when we come to the engagement. The dates are
much deranged in A. The merchants make their
complaint at midsummer, the summer solstice (in
May, B 1), and here there is agreement with Hall and
Lesley. The English ship sails the day before
midsummer-even, A 17; the fight occurs not more
than four days after (A 18, 33, 34; B 16, 31); four
days is a large allowance for returning, but the ship
sails into Thames mouth on the day before New
[215]
Year’s even, A 71, 72, 74. In B the English do not
sail till winter, and although the interval from May is
long for fitting out a ship, inconsistency is avoided.
According to Hall, the English ships brought in their
prizes August 2d.
A. King Henry Eighth, having been informed by
eighty London merchants that navigation is stopped
by a Scot who would rob them were they twenty
ships to his one, asks if there is never a lord who will
fetch him that traitor, and Lord Charles Howard
volunteers for the service, he to be the only man.
The king offers him six hundred fighting men, his
choice of all the realm. Howard engages two noble
marksmen, Peter Simon to be the head of a hundred
gunners, and William Horsley to be the head of a
hundred bowmen, and sails, resolved to bring in Sir
Andrew and his ship, or never again come near his
prince. On the third day he falls in with a fine ship
commanded by Henry Hunt, and asks whether they
have heard of Barton. Henry Hunt had been Barton’s
prisoner the day before, and can give the best
intelligence and advice. Barton is a terrible fellow; his
ship is brass within and steel without; and although
there is a deficiency at A 36, there is enough to
show that it was not less magnificent than strong,
2 2
36 , 75 . He has a pinnace of thirty guns, and the
voluble and not too coherent Hunt makes it a main
point to sink this pinnace first. But above all, Barton
carries beams in his topcastle, and with these, if he
can drop them, his own ship is a match for twenty;
[216]
therefore, let no man go to his topcastle. Hunt
borrows some guns from Lord Howard, trusting to be
forgiven for breaking the oath upon which he had
been released by his captor the day before, and sets
a ‘glass’ (lantern?) to guide Howard’s ship to
Barton’s, which they see the next day. Barton is lying
3 1
at anchor, 45 , 46 ; the English ship, feigning to be a
merchantman, passes him without striking topsails or
topmast, ‘stirring neither top nor mast.’ Sir Andrew
has been admiral on the sea for more than three
years, and no Englishman or Portingal passes without
his leave: he orders his pinnace to bring the pedlars
back; they shall hang at his main-mast tree. The
pinnace fires on Lord Howard and brings down his
foremast and fifteen of his men, but Simon sinks the
pinnace with one discharge, which, to be sure,
includes nine yards of chain besides other great shot,
less and more. Sir Andrew cuts his ropes to go for
the pedlar himself. Lord Howard throws off disguise,
sounds drums and trumpets, and spreads his ensign.
Simon’s son shoots and kills sixty; the perjured Henry
Hunt comes in on the other side, brings down the
foremast, and kills eighty. One wonders that Barton’s
guns do not reply; in fact he never fires a shot; but
then he has that wonderful apparatus of the beams,
which, whether mechanically perfect or not, is
worked well by the poet, for not many better
passages are met with in ballad poetry than that
which tells of the three gallant attempts on the main-
mast tree, 52–66. Sir Andrew had not taken the
English archery into his reckoning. Gordon, the first
man to mount, is struck through the brain; so is
James Hamilton, Barton’s sister’s son. Sir Andrew
dons his armor of proof and goes up himself. Horsley
hits him under his arm; Barton will not loose his
hold, but a second mortal wound forces him to come
down. He calls on his men to fight on; he will lie and
bleed awhile, and then rise and fight again; “fight on
for Scotland and St Andrew, while you hear my
whistle blow!” Soon the whistle is mute, and they
know that Barton is dead; the English board; Howard
strikes off Sir Andrew’s head, while the Scots stand
by weeping, and throws the body over the side, with
three hundred crowns about the middle to secure it a
burial. So Jon Rimaardssøn binds three bags about
his body when he jumps into the sea, saying, He
shall not die poor that will bury my body: Danske
Viser, II, 225, st. 30. Lord Howard sails back to
England, and is royally welcomed. England before
had but one ship of war, and Sir Andrew’s made the
second, says the ballad, but therein seems to be less
than historically accurate: see Southey’s Lives of the
British Admirals, 1833, II, 171, note. Hunt, Horsley,
and Simon are generously rewarded, and Howard is
made Earl of Nottingham. When King Henry sees
Barton’s ghastly head, he exclaims that he would
give a hundred pounds if the man were alive as he is
dead: ambiguous words, which one would prefer not
to interpret by the later version of the ballad, in
which Henry is eager himself to give the doom, B 58;
nor need we, for in the concluding stanza the king, in
recognition of the manful part that he hath played,
both here and beyond the sea, says that each of
Barton’s men shall have half a crown a day to take
them home.
The variations of B, as to the story, are of slight
importance. There is no pinnace in B. Horsley’s shots
are somewhat better arranged: Gordon is shot under
the collar-bone, the nephew through the heart; the
first arrow rebounds from Barton’s armor, the second
smites him to the heart. ‘Until you hear my whistle
4
blow,’ in 53 , is a misconception, coming from not
4
understanding that till (as in A 66 ) may mean while.

The copy in Percy’s Reliques is translated by Von

Marées, p. 88.
 A
Percy MS., p. 490; Hales and Furnivall, III, 399.
1
As itt beffell in m[i]dsumer-time,
When burds singe sweetlye on euery tree,
Our noble king, King Henery the Eighth,
Ouer the riuer of Thames past hee.

2
Hee was no sooner ouer the riuer,
Downe in a fforrest to take the ayre,
But eighty merchants of London cittye
Came kneeling before King Henery there.

3
‘O yee are welcome, rich merchants,
[Good saylers, welcome unto me!’]
They swore by the rood the were saylers good,
But rich merchants they cold not bee.

4
‘To Ffrance nor Fflanders dare we nott passe,
Nor Burdeaux voyage wee dare not ffare,
And all ffor a ffalse robber that lyes on the seas,
And robb[s] vs of our merchants-ware.’

5
King Henery was stout, and he turned him about,
And swore by the Lord that was mickle of might,
‘I thought he had not beene in the world throughout
That durst haue wrought England such vnright.’

6
But euer they sighed, and said, alas!
Vnto King Harry this answere againe:
‘He is a proud Scott that will robb vs all
If wee were twenty shipps and hee but one.’

7
The king looket ouer his left shoulder,
Amongst his lords and barrons soe ffree:
‘Haue I neuer lord in all my realme
Will ffeitch yond traitor vnto mee?’

8
‘Yes, that dare I!’ sayes my lord Chareles Howard,
Neere to the king wheras hee did stand;
‘If that Your Grace will giue me leaue,
My selfe wilbe the only man.’

9
‘Thou shalt haue six hundred men,’ saith our king,
‘And chuse them out of my realme soe ffree;
Besids marriners and boyes,
To guide the great shipp on the sea.’

10
‘I’le goe speake with Sir Andrew,’ sais Charles, my lord Haward;
‘Vpon the sea, if hee be there;
I will bring him and his shipp to shore,
Or before my prince I will neuer come neere.’

11
The ffirst of all my lord did call,
A noble gunner hee was one;
This man was three score yeeres and ten,
And Peeter Simon was his name.

12
‘Peeter,’ sais hee, ‘I must sayle to the sea,
To seeke out an enemye; God be my speed!’
Before all others I haue chosen thee;
Of a hundred guners thoust be my head.’

13
‘My lord,’ sais hee, ‘if you haue chosen mee
 Of a hundred gunners to be the head,
Hange me att your maine-mast tree
If I misse my marke past three pence bread.’

14
The next of all my lord he did call,
A noble bowman hee was one;
In Yorekeshire was this gentleman borne,
And William Horsley was his name.

15
‘Horsley,’ sayes hee, ‘I must sayle to the sea,
To seeke out an enemye; God be my speede!
Before all others I haue chosen thee;
Of a hundred bowemen thoust be my head.’

16
‘My lord,’ sais hee, ‘if you haue chosen mee
Of a hundred bowemen to be the head,
Hang me att your mainemast-tree
If I misse my marke past twelue pence bread.’

17
With pikes, and gunnes, and bowemen bold,
This noble Howard is gone to the sea
On the day before midsummer-euen,
And out att Thames mouth sayled they.

18
They had not sayled dayes three
Vpon their iourney they tooke in hand,
But there they mett with a noble shipp,
And stoutely made itt both stay and stand.

19
‘Thou must tell me thy name,’ sais Charles, my lord Haward,
‘Or who thou art, or ffrom whence thou came,
Yea, and where thy dwelling is,
To whom and where thy shipp does belong.’

20
‘My name,’ sayes hee, ‘is Henery Hunt,
With a pure hart and a penitent mind;
I and my shipp they doe belong
Vnto the New-castle that stands vpon Tine.’

21
‘Now thou must tell me, Harry Hunt,
As thou hast sayled by day and by night,
Hast thou not heard of a stout robber?
Men calls him Sir Andrew Bartton, knight.’

22
But euer he sighed, and sayd, Alas!
Ffull well, my lord, I know that wight;
He robd me of my merchants ware,
And I was his prisoner but yesternight.

23
As I was sayling vppon the sea,
And [a] Burdeaux voyage as I did ffare,
He clasped me to his archborde,
And robd me of all my merchants-ware.

24
And I am a man both poore and bare,
And euery man will haue his owne of me,
And I am bound towards London to ffare,
To complaine to my prince Henerye.

25
‘That shall not need,’ sais my lord Haward;
‘If thou canst lett me this robber see,
Ffor euery peny he hath taken thee ffroe,
 Thou shalt be rewarded a shilling,’ quoth hee.

26
‘Now God fforefend,’ saies Henery Hunt,
‘My lord, you shold worke soe ffarr amisse!
God keepe you out of that traitors hands!
For you wott ffull litle what a man hee is.

27
‘Hee is brasse within, and steele without,
And beames hee beares in his topcastle stronge;
His shipp hath ordinance cleane round about;
Besids, my lord, hee is verry well mand.

28
‘He hath a pinnace, is deerlye dight,
Saint Andrews crosse, that is his guide;
His pinnace beares nine score men and more,
Besids fifteen cannons on euery side.

29
‘If you were twenty shippes, and he but one,
Either in archbord or in hall,
He wold ouercome you euerye one,
And if his beames they doe downe ffall.’

30
‘This is cold comfort,’ sais my Lord Haward,
‘To wellcome a stranger thus to the sea;
I’le bring him and his shipp to shore,
Or else into Scottland hee shall carrye mee.’

31
‘Then you must gett a noble gunner, my lord,
That can sett well with his eye,
And sinke his pinnace into the sea,
And soone then ouercome will hee bee.
32
‘And when that you haue done this,
If you chance Sir Andrew for to bord,
Lett no man to his topcastle goe;
And I will giue you a glasse, my lord,

33
‘And then you need to ffeare no Scott,
Whether you sayle by day or by night;
And to-morrow, by seuen of the clocke,
You shall meete with Sir Andrew Bartton, knight.

34
‘I was his prisoner but yester night,
And he hath taken mee sworne,’ quoth hee;
‘I trust my L[ord] God will me fforgiue
And if that oath then broken bee.

35
‘You must lend me sixe peeces, my lord,’ quoth hee,
‘Into my shipp, to sayle the sea,
And to-morrow, by nine of the clocke,
Your Honour againe then will I see.’

* * * * *

36
And the hache-bord where Sir Andrew lay
Is hached with gold deerlye dight:
‘Now by my ffaith,’ sais Charles, my lord Haward,
‘Then yonder Scott is a worthye wight!

37
‘Take in your ancyents and your standards,
Yea that no man shall them see,
And put me fforth a white willow wand,
h l h ’
 As merchants vse to sayle the sea.’

38
But they stirred neither top nor mast,
But Sir Andrew they passed by:
‘Whatt English are yonder,’ said Sir Andrew,
‘That can so litle curtesye?

39
‘I haue beene admirall ouer the sea
More then these yeeres three;
There is neuer an English dog, nor Portingall,
Can passe this way without leaue of mee.

40
‘But now yonder pedlers, they are past,
Which is no litle greffe to me:
Ffeich them backe,’ sayes Sir Andrew Bartton,
‘They shall all hang att my maine-mast tree.’

41
With that the pinnace itt shott of,
That my Lord Haward might itt well ken;
Itt stroke downe my lords fforemast,
And killed fourteen of my lord his men.

42
‘Come hither, Simon!’ sayes my lord Haward,
‘Looke that thy words be true thou sayd;
I’le hang thee att my maine-mast tree
If thou misse thy marke past twelue pence bread.’

43
Simon was old, but his hart itt was bold;
Hee tooke downe a peece, and layd itt ffull lowe;
He put in chaine yeards nine,
Besids other great shott lesse and more.
44
With that hee lett his gun-shott goe;
Soe well hee settled itt with his eye,
The ffirst sight that Sir Andrew sawe,
Hee see his pinnace sunke in the sea.

45
When hee saw his pinace sunke,
Lord! in his hart hee was not well:
‘Cutt my ropes! itt is time to be gon!
I’le goe ffeitch yond pedlers backe my selfe!’

46
When my lord Haward saw Sir Andrew loose,
Lord! in his hart that hee was ffaine:
‘Strike on your drummes! spread out your ancyents!
Sound out your trumpetts! sound out amaine!’

47
‘Ffight on, my men!’ sais Sir Andrew Bartton;
‘Weate, howsoeuer this geere will sway,
Itt is my lord Adm[i]rall of England
Is come to seeke mee on the sea.’

48
Simon had a sonne; with shott of a gunn—
Well Sir Andrew might itt ken—
He shott itt in att a priuye place,
And killed sixty more of Sir Andrews men.

49
Harry Hunt came in att the other syde,
And att Sir Andrew hee shott then;
He droue downe his fformast-tree,
And killed eighty more of Sir Andriwes men.

50
50
‘I haue done a good turne,’ sayes Harry Hunt;
‘Sir Andrew is not our kings ffreind;
He hoped to haue vndone me yesternight,
But I hope I haue quitt him well in the end.’

51
‘Euer alas!’ sayd Sir Andrew Barton,
‘What shold a man either thinke or say?
Yonder ffalse theeffe is my strongest enemye,
Who was my prisoner but yesterday.

52
‘Come hither to me, thou Gourden good,
And be thou readye att my call,
And I will giue thee three hundred pound
If thou wilt lett my beames downe ffall.’

53
With that hee swarued the maine-mast tree,
Soe did he itt with might and maine;
Horseley, with a bearing arrow,
Stroke the Gourden through the braine.

54
And he ffell into the haches againe,
And sore of this wound that he did bleed;
Then word went throug Sir Andrews men,
That the Gourden hee was dead.

55
‘Come hither to me, Iames Hambliton,
Thou art my sisters sonne, I haue no more;
I will giue [thee] six hundred pound
If thou will lett my beames downe ffall.’

56
With that hee s a ed the maine mast t ee
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